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FACTS FOR THE PEOPLE. 



A VALUABLE CAMPAKIX DOCUMENT—LINCOLN'S SPRINGFIELD 

SPEECH— TRUMBULL'S CHICAGO SPEECH— DOUGLAS AT 

CHICAGO vs. DOUGLAS AT FREEPORT— WHAT 

THE SOUTHERN PAPERS SAY— AND 

THE POLITICAL RECORD OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. 



Liiucolii !*taiids oil the OIJ >Vhi4j Platfoiin. 

The follcwirjijaie l)oll{;la^' Qnc'i-tiui|.< ami I imolifs Au- 
wers al Freoport : 

QriesUon 1. 'I deMre to kiiow whether Lincoln today 
Htan(]!<,attli<.- ilid ic lS.54,in Tavor rf thu uiicoailitiunal repeal 
of the fu'.;i.ive slave law!" 

Answer 1 do wA vnv). nor cmr did, Kland in favor of lite 
mncoTidittoiud repeal oftltefuijiiiialure htw. 

(; 2 '•! de.'sirehiin to answer wlietlier hefcl.iTids pleilfreil 

t i'y,'as hndid in 1854, agiliiHt the admissiou if any mure 

. a- • States into the Union, even if the people want them?" 

A. 1 do not now, n<,r cvtr did, stand plalyed ayuinsl llie ad- 

iiiiii on of any more slave ^ta^•s into the Union. 

Q. 3. "I want to kuow whether he t^tands pledged against 
! he admission of a new State into the I'l ion, with snch a 
ConBtitution as the people of that ?tate may sie fit to 
make." 

.1 I do not. stand pledged agai>st the. ojhiiission of anew 
9:lnte into the Union, uitU such a Constitution as the people of 
!li"l ^tate may see fit to male. . 

*l, 4. '■! want to know whether he stands to-day pledged 
t'.i the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia?" 

.1. J do 7iot stand today pledged to the abolition of slavery 
ill the I}i.',irict of Columbia. 

Q. 5. ••! desire him to answer whether he Htands pledged 
to the prohibition of the slave traile between the different 
*'tstes ?" 

A. Ida not stamlpledged tothe prohibition oftheslave trade 
hetweeU. the differejit K^tates. 

I}. 6. '•! desire 1 1 know wlu-tlicr he stands pledged to pro 
hibit slavery in all the Territori .s of the United States, 
North as well as South of the Misjjonrt Compromise, 
line." 

A. J am imjilicdti/. if not e ]iivs.''li/. jiledyed to a be-ief in 
the right and duty of Congress to proliibit slavery in all the 
United Sta. es Ten ilories. 

Q. 7 "I desire him toauswer whether he is opposed to the 
acquisition of any new Territory unless tlaverj is first pro- 
hibited tluroin " 

A. lam not generally opposed to hone,<t itajuisition of 
territory; and, itt any given case. 1 wonld t.r would not, op 
posesuch acquisiti'm. accordingly as I might thtnk such aojui- 
silion would or would nut agitate t'le slavery quesHon among 
ourselves. 

Mr. Lincoln stands on the Old Whig Platform, with Clay 
and Webster. 

The Forgery Ackiiowiedged. 

Douglas and his sattelites ^tnnd convicttd of the crime of 
willful forgery, in quoting a set of resolutions adopted by a 
"People's" Convention at Aurora, and trying to pass them ofl 
M the Republican platform of 1854. 
~ Read the retraction, taken from the Chicago Times of Au 
gnat 24th : 



"In the speech made by Judge Douglas, at Ottawa, "U Sat- 
I rday, he quoted tli" resolutions which contained th.'e Ue- 
piiblicm platform of Is.iS. Misled by the paper in which he 
found the resolutions published, lie located tJieir adrjilitm at a 
Omvenlion held at Sprim/'ieUI. Tli" [lartienlar res'luiiouo 
WI;kk not TIIK O.NKS ADOPTKD .vr TIIK SPIMXtJ- 
FtKI.D CONVKNTloN." 

Tin; record: the kkcokdi: 

Our readers will lind in om- cl the sections of the Toombs 
bill the following provision : 

"That the following pnpisition be and the san eare here- 
by nlfp|<d to the convention of the people of Kai sis, when 
toinie'l tor their fr<;e acceptance of n j'Ction, which if :iccip- 
teil l.y the convention, and ratified l,i^ Unpeople at the diction 
tor the adoption of the Omslitidion, AtM be obligatory oii thn 
Uniteil States and upon the said State of Kansiis." 

In the bill as repcrte.l by Dougla-", the words in italic were 
left out. * * Senator Douglas DID strike out the clause — 
Chicago Jimes, Aug. iSth. [dawtf 



(llfESTlOX for the PEOPJLE to ANSWER. 

If Thirty tivv Thousand I'eojile are enough to form a .'51 ivc 
State, why should they not be enough to fomi a t'ne S ale. 



Liiucoln on the 



"Ultimate Extiuctfoii" 
Slavei y. 

JlilKnl OIO *■]. nil, dri \t 



of- 



Extract I'ioiii Mr. Lincolu'i 
Sept. l.'i. 18ih: 

'•While 1 : III upon ihi-* Mii.jeot, I will imkv «rtini> ««!«».• 
briefly to cert.^iii pre jiosii, on, that .fudge Douglas has j . 
lie f-ays. ••Why Ciiu"t this (Jni'^iU • iidnr'^ i-ei :i'aiienll.\ , !..• 
slave and half (ne? I have sii'l fbat I 6,iippo-id itioujd lioi. 
anil I will tf.\. 1.1 fore this new andience. to give Or efl^ .some 
of the reasons for (iitertainiiig that opinion. .\iiOther fomi 
of his question is. '-Why c.m't we let it stand as our fatln-is 
placed it?" That is the e.xact difficulty between us. I say 
that Judpe Douglas and his friends have ch tngi d them froiii 
the position in which our fathers origin.illy placed it. 1 say 
in the way on fathers origin illy left the .slaveiy question, 
the institution yvas in the course of u'timate extinction, ami 
the public mind rested in the belief that it was in the course 
of ultimate extinction. I say whi-u this government was 
first established it was the lolicy of its founders to probibit 
the spread of slavery into the new ti rritoric.-' of thu Uiiiied 
States, yvh< re it had not exi>ted. IJut Judge Douglas and h-s 
friends have broken up that jiolicy and placed it npon « m-yv 
basis by which it 'sto become natlonataud {leipelna . ALL I 
HAVK ASKKD OR DKSIUK.D ANYWUKKK IS, THAT IT 
SHOULD BE PLACED I'.ACK AGAIN UPON THE BASIS 
THAT^HK FATHERS OF OUK (iOVKKNMENT ORIGI- 
NALLY PLACED IT UPitX I have no doubt that it would 
become extinct, for all lime to come, if we but readoiited the 
policy of the fathers by restricting it to the limits it has al 
ready covered — restricting it from the new torritories." 



E>4-c 



OO'K^ 



READ AND CIRCULATE! 

FACTS FOR THE PEOPLeT 
ADDRESS OF THE 

REPUBLICAI CENTRAL COMMITTEE 

OF i:%«iHA]n couaiTY. -<-Ct. cA . 



To the People of the State of Michigan. 

Fellow Citizens : — As the General Election 
of 1S60 approaches, we deem it our duty to ad- 
dress you upon those great questions of national 
polity which enter into the present contest, and 
also to discuss the local issues, which, as citizens 
of Michigan, appeal exclusively to your consid- 
eration. 

Knowing the folly of misrepresentation and 
abuse, and rejecting these as contrary to our in- 
clination and sense of right, we shall appeal 
solely to the facts of history and the deductions 
of logic, to sustain the cause we present. 

Four years have passed by since the last Pres- 
idential election, yet the battle-ground of Free- 
dom versus Slavery has not shifted, while the 
principles involved in the contest have only be- 
come more salient and commanding. 

Kansas, struggling through long and weary 
years for the rights of Free Labor and the boon 
of State Sovereignty, still remains in her Terri- 
torial condition ; kept there by the will of t.he 
Democratic party, that has unblushingly employ- 
ed the most disgraceful and despotic means, in 
violation of solemn pledges, to prevent her ad- 
mission into the Union as a Free State. 

Scarcely had the smoke of the contest of 185G 
cleared away, ere the Supreme Court of the Uni- 
ted States, in a decision heralded by President 
Buchanan in his Inaugural Address, put forth 
the startling declaration that the Constitution of 
the United States, of its own force, carries Sla- 
very into all the Territories belonging to this 
great Republic. 

Among numerous other endorsements of this 
obiter dictum of the Supreme Court, the Presi- 
dent in his last annual message, says: "I cor- 
dially congratulate you upon the final settlement 
by the Supreme Court of the United States of 
the question of Slavery in the Territories, which 
had presented an aspect so truly formidable at 
the commencement of my administration. The 
right has been established of every citizen to 
take his property of any kind, including slaves, 
into the common territories belonging equally 
to all the States of the confederacy, and to have 
it protected there under.theFederal Constitution. 
NEITHER CONGRESS XOR A TERRITO- 
RIAL LEGISLATURE, NOR ANY HUMAN 
POWER HAS ANY AUTHORITY TO AN- 
NUL OR IMPAIR THIS VESTED RIGHT." 

Adherence to this " final settlement by the 
Supreme Gom-t ot the United States of the ques- 



tion of Slavery in the Territories" is to-day a 
cardinal principle of Democratic faith. 

The Democratic press have given the logical 
deductions of the President from that decision, 
the assent of silence, or have openly endorsed 
them, as did the Michigan State Journal, which 
declared that " every citizen may well feel proud 
of his country, and proud of the ability and in- 
tegrity that now control its policy ;" and that " to 
every measure or recommendation developed in 
the message, the Democratic party will heartily 
respond." 

Thus modern democracy has taken another 
step in its departure from the old landmarks of 
democratic faith. It has thrown off the disguise 
it has hitherto found convenient to wear, and its 
real purposes stand before the country in all 
I their naked deformity. 

; The Slaveholding Oligarchy have been labor- 
I ing for years, with a zeal worthy of a better 
[ cause, to undermine and destroy the temple of 
'. our Constitutional Liberty, and build up in its 
I steud the Bastile of Despotism. To accomplish 
I this unholy purpose they have appealed to the 
: strong arm of their " natural ally," the Demo- 
I cratic party; and it has been in the once sacred 
j name of Democracy that the treacherous and 
; deadly blows have been struck, that have shaken 
the pillars of our Constitutional rights. 

THE DRED SCOTT DECISION. 
We cannot pass from this subject without pla- 
[ cing before you some of the principles embraced 
I in the opinion of the Supreme Court of the Uni- 
ted States, known as the Dreu Scott decision. 
I The slave, Dred Scott, had been taken by the 
I voluntary act of his master and held for two 
j years a slave in the State of Illinois, and for two 
subsequent years a slave in Territory from which 
slavery had been excluded by the prohibition of 
1820. 

By the principles of the Common Law; by ad- 
judications of the courts of Virginia, Louisiana, 
Missouri, Georgia and other slaveholding States; 
and by repeated decisions of the Supreme CouTt 
of the United States; he was entitled to his free- 
dom. To obtain this he instituted an action in 
the Circuit Court of the United States for the 
District of Missouri, and the case was brought 
up, by writ of error, before the Supreme Court 
for decision. It was held by the Court that 
neither " persons whose ancestors were negroes 
of the African race, imported into this country, 
aad sold and held as slaves, nor the descendants 



of 8Hch slaves, when they shall be emancipa- 
ted, or who are born of parents who had be- 
come free before their birth, are citizens of a 
State,in the sense in which the word citizen 13 used 
in the Constitution of tiie United Ftatea.'' So the 
suit was "dismissed for want of jurisdiction." 

Not content with exhausting his authority in 
the case, Chief Justice Taney proceeded to de- 
liver, at length, his opinion upon the political 
questions which divide the two f^reat parties of 
the Nation — to a few points of which we desire 
to call your attention. The first labor ot this 
modern Hercules is to belie the facts of history, 
and slander the patriotism of the men of the 
Revolution, by declaring that " this opinion was 
at that time fixed and universal in tiie civilized 
portion of the white race, that they (the African 
Face,) had no rights which the white man was 
bound to respect; and that the negro might 
justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his 
benefit ;" and though the " general words" of the 
Declaration of Independence "would seem to 
embrace the whole human family, and if they 
were uaed in a similar instrument at this day 
would be so understood,^' yet he solemnly declares 
it to be " too clear for dispute, that the enslaved 
African race were not intended to be included." 

Having settled this point to his satisfaction, 
Judge Taney takes a position, which, we appre- 
hend, will startle the adherents of Douglas de- 
mocracy. He re-affirms the power of Congress 
to govern the Territories ! He quotes the de- 
cision of the Supreme Court in the case of the 
American and Ocea;i Insurance Companies vs. 
Canter (1 Pet. 511) as follows: "Perhaps the 
power of governing a Territory belonging to the 
United Stales, which has not, by becoming a 
State, acquired the means of self-government, 
may result, necessarily, from the facts that it is 
not within the jurisdiction of any particular 
State, and is within the power and jurisdiction 
of the United States. The right to govern may 
be the inevitable consequence of the right to 
acquire territory. Whichever may be the source 
from which the power is derived, the possession 
of it is nnqestionable." 

To this Judge Taney adds : " It is thus clear, 
from the whole opinion on this point, that the 
court did not mean to decide whether the 
power was derived from the clause in the con- 
stitution, (Congress shall make all needful rules 
&c.) or was the necessary consequence of the 
right to acquire. They do decide that the power 
in Congress is unquestionable, AND IN THIS 
WE ENTIRELY CONCUR, and nothing will 
be found in this to the contrari/. THE POWER 
STANDS FIRMLY ON THE LATTER ALTER- 
NATIVE PUT BY THE COURT— that is, as 
the inevitable C37isequence of the right to ac- 
quire 7erriiory." 

How then, you ask, does he avoid the conclu- 
sion that Congress may prohibit Slavery in the 
Tetrritories ? Thus. He boldly avows property 
in man to be a " vested right" with which the 
Government must not interfere. He throws 
around it the guardian care which the constitu- 



tion exercises over the " rights of private prop- 
erty" and places the right of hffiding slaves 
upon an equality with the sacred rights of Free- 
dom of Speech, Freedom of the Press, and Free- 
dom to worship God ! 

To the conclusions of this portion of the de- 
cision we call the attention of those who have 
pledged themselves to "abide by it," and yet 
claim that the people of a Territory may exclude 
slavery from their limits. 

Judge Taney says: "The powers over per- 
son and property of which we speak are not 
only not granted to Congress, but are in express 
terms denied, and they are forbidden to exercise 
them. And this prohibition is not confined to the 
States, but the words are general, and extend to 
the whole territory over which the constitution 
gives it power to legislate, including those por- 
tions of it remaining under Territorial 6fov 
ernment, as well as that covered by States. It 
is a total absence of power everywhere within 
the dominion of the United States, and places 
the citizens of a Territory, so far as these rights 
are concerned, on the same footing with citizens 
of the States, and guards them as fiimly and 
plainly against any inroads which the General 
Government might attempt, under the plea of 
implied or incidental powers. And if Congress 
itself cannot do this — if it is beyond the powers 
conferred on the Federal Government — it willbe 
admitted, we presume, that it could not author 
ize a Territorial Government to exercise tliem 
It could conker no power on any local GoV' 
ernment, established by its authority, to vi 
olate the provisions of the constitution, 
* * * "Now, as we have already said in an 
earlier part of this opinion, upon a different 
point, THE RIGHT OF PROPERTY IN A 
SLAVE IS DISTINCTLY AND EXPRESSLY 
AFFIRMED IN THE CONSTITUTION. * * * 
THE ONLY POWER CONFERRED IS THE 
POWER COUPLED WITH THE DUTY OF 
GUARDING AND PROTECTING THE OWN- 
ER IN HIS RIGHTS " 

These are some of the odious features of that 
" decision of the Supreme Court of the United 
States over the institution of slavery within the 
Territories," which the platform of the Douglas 
faction of tlie Democratic party pledges them to 
" abide by," and which Douglas himself endor- 
ses in the following language : 

" I in common with the Democracy of Illinois, 
ACCEPT THE DECISION OF THE SUPREME 
COURT OF THE UNITED STATES IN THE 
DRED SCOTT CASE, AS AN AUTHORITA- 
TIVE EXPOSITION OF THE CONSTITU- 
TION. 

''Slaves are regarded AS, PROPERTY, and 
placed on an EQUAL FOOTING with all other 
property. Hence the owner of slaves — the same 
as the owner of any other species of property, 
HAS A RIGHT TO REMOVE TO ANY TER- 
RITORY AND CARRY HIS PROPERTY 
WITH B.m.:'— {Speech of Douglas in New Or- 
leans, Dec. 1858.) 

But this is not all. Not only are the Douglas 



^/ 



democracy pledged to these infamous doctrines, 
but they are pledged to any decisions which 
may be hereafter made by the Supreme Court, 
and declare that such decisions should be prompt- 
ly enforced by every branch of the General Gov 
ernment ; thus reducing the Executive and Le- 
gislative branches to a state of vaesalage to the 
judicial, and bringing upon ns the despotism 
foreseen by Jefferson when he declared that 
•' The Supreme Court is a subtle corps of sap- 
pers and miners, constantly working under 
ground io undermine the foimdafion of our 
confederated fahricy 

this plank of the Douglas platform is as fol- 
lows: 

" Resolved, That it is in accordance with the 
Cincinnati Platform, that daring the existence of 
Territorial Governments the measure of restric- 
tion, whatever it raay be, imposed by the Feder- 
al Constitution on the power of the Territorial 
Legislature over the subject of the domestic re- 
lations, as the same has been or shall hereafter 
be finallv DETERMINED BY THE SUPREME 
COURT of the United States, should be respec- 
ted by all good citizens, and ENFORCED with 
promptness ajid fidelity by EVERY BRANCH 
of the General Government.''^ 

On the 2Dth of June 1860, Mr. Douglas wrote 
a letter accepting the nomination of the Balti- 
more Convention, and cordially endorsing the 
platform upon which it was made. The " addi- 
tional resolution," of which he speaks in the fol- 
lowing extract from his letter of acceptance, is 
the resolution we have just quoted. Mr. Douglas 
saya: 

" Upon careful examination of the platform 
of priaciples adopted at Charleston and re-affir- 
med at Baltimore, with an additional resolution 
lohieh is in perfect harmony with the others, I 
find it to be a faithful embodiment of the time- 
honored principles of tlie Democratic party, as 
tiie same were proclaimed and understood by all 
parties in the Presidential contests of 1848, 1852 
and 1856." 

This extract speaks for itself. TCan intelligent 
men longer sustain a party that endorses doc- 
trines which would shame the rankest Federal- 
ism of earlier times ? We think not. 

POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY. 

A bad cause rarely trusts its inherent strength 
for success. Among an intelligent, free people, 
it must of necessity resort to sophistries and 
catch words to delude those who would other- 
wise be hostile to it. Such has been the course 
pursued by the northern democracy in their sub- 
serviency to the interests of the slave power. 

As a pretext for the repeal of the Missouri 
Compromise, which Douglas in 18-19 declared to 
be "canonized in the hearts of the American 
people as a sacred thing, which no ruthless hand 
would ever dare disturb," they proclaimed it to 
be for the sole purpose of establishing in the 
Territories the great principle of Popular Sov- 
ereignty — the right of the people of Territories 
to govern themselves. 



The sovereignty of the people is a fundamen- 
tal principle of free government, on which the 
pillars of our confederacy rest. But this attri- 
bute, in ita completeness, is applicable alone to 
States. 

It is impossible that the people of a Territory 
should exercise all the powers of sovereignty 
which attach to the people of a State. If so, 
each Territory would be entitled to elect two 
Senators in Congress, and Representatives accor- 
ding to the ratio of their population, and mem- 
bers of our Electoral College equal to the sum of 
these. 

But these acts can only be performed upon the 
admission of a Territory into the Union — when 
it no longer remains a Territory, but becomes a 
State: 

But it may be urged that this doctrine of " the 
right of the people of a Territory to govern 
themselves" does not intend to confer upon them 
all the powers of sovereignty, but only to leave 
them, in the language of the Kansas Nebraska 
act, " perfectly free to form and regulate their 
domestic institutions in their own way, subject 
only to the Constitution of the United States.^'' 

Let u? see how far this "perfect freedom," is 
exemplified in the Kansas-Nebraska act. Of 
judicial officers, the people of those Territoricc 
have the power of electing Justices of the Peace, 
whose decisions may be overruled at any time 
by Judges receiving their appointment from the 
President of the United States. The people 
may elect the members of their Territorial Le- 
gislature — but their acts may be vetoed by Gov- 
ernors also appointed by the President. 

Twice have the Legislatures of these Territo- 
ries passed laws prohibiting Slavery within their 
limits and each time they have been stricken 
down by this veto power. Glorious illustration 
of the " rights of a people to govern themselves!" 
It cannot be said that these vetoes are no argu- 
ment against the "great principle" embodied ia 
the act organizing those Territories. 

The sin lies at the doer of the act itself. The 
responsibility rests directly upon Douglas and 
his adherents, who, against the vote of the lead- 
ers of the Republican party then ia the U. S. 
Senate, placed this despotic power there, we 
have reason to believe, for the very purpose of 
overriding the loill of the people of those Terri- 
tories. Popular Sovereignty, indeed I ! Trans- 
parent humbug! ! 

But it may be said that, at all events, the Kan- 
sas-Nebraska act "was inteyided to confer upon, 
or leave to the people of the Territories the 
right of settling the slavery question for them- 
selves." Let the record speak. 

On the second day of July, 1856, Toombs' 
pacification bill being before the Senate, Mr. 
Trumbull, of Illinois, moved the following : 

"£e it further enacted, That the provision 
in the 'Act to organize the territories of Kansas 
and Nebraska,' which declares it to be 'the true 
intent and meaning of this act not to legislate 
slavery into any Territory or State nor to exclude 
it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof 



perfectly free to form and regulate their domes- 
tic institutions in their own way, subject only to 
the Constitution of the United States,' was in- 
tended to, and docs confer upon, or leave to the 
people of the Territory of Kansas full power, 
at any time, through its Territorial Legislattire, 
to exclude slavery from said Territory, or to re- 
cognize and regulate it therein^ 

This was voted down as follows: 

Yeas — Messrs. Allen, Bell of N. H., Collaraer, 
Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Hale, Seward, 
Trumbull and Wade— 11. 

Nats — Messrs. Adams, Bayard, Biggs, Bigler, 
Benjamin, Bright, Brown, Brodhead, Cass, Clay, 
Crittenden, Dodge, DOUGLAS, Evans, Fitzpat- 
rick, Geyer, Hunter, Iverson, JOHNSON, Jones 
of Iowa, Mallory, Mason, Fratt, Pugh, Reid, Se- 
bastian, Slidell, Stuart, Thompson of Kentucky, 
Toombs, Toucey, Weller, Wright and Yulee — 34. 

This direct vote upon the vital question invol- 
ved, lays bare the purpose of the Democratic 
party in the repeal of the Missouri compromise. 

The truth is that this whole scheme was a plot 
to extend the institution of slavery over all the 
Territories of the United States ; and to a great 
extent the work has been performed. 

Well may Douglas boast, as in a late speech 
in the Senate of the United States, that under 
tbe operation of his "great principle" a "tract of 
Free Territory more than five times the size of 
New York has been converted into Slave Terri- 
tory," and that " under this doctrine, slavery has 
been extended from the Rio Grande to the Gulf 
of California, and from the line of the Republic 
of Mexico not only up to 36 deg. 30m. but up to 
38 deg. giving to the slave holders a degree and 
a half more territory than they had everclaimed," 

SECTIONALISM OF MODERN DEMOCRACY. 

It is claimed by our opponents that the Re- 
publican party, because it opposes the spread of 
tbe institution of Slavery overall the Territories 
of the United States, is therefore a sectional 
party. If this be so, then Washington, Jeffer- 
son, Madison, Franklin, Clay, and nearly all the 
great men who have illustrated the history of 
our country, were sectionalists. The Democrat- 
ic party, also, down to the year 1S49, must be 
included in the same category. We couid fill a 
volume with extracts from resolutions of Demo- 
cratic Conventions and Legislatures, messages of 
Democratic Governors, and speeches of Demo- 
cratic orators and statesmen, in favor of the doc- 
trine of the prohibition of slavery in the Terri- 
tories by Congressional interference. 

We have only room for one or two examples. 
In the year 1849, the Legislature of Michigan, 
tlien almost unanimously Democratic, passed by 
a large majority a series of resolutions respect- 
ing the Territories of the United Stages, among 
which was the following : 

Etsolved, That we are in favor oi' the fundamental prin- 
ciples of the ordinance of 1V87 — and althongh we respect 
the opinions of many eminent statesmen and jurists, that 
aUkvery is a mere local institution, which cannot exist 
without positire laws authorizing its existence — yet we 
believe that Congress has the power, and that it is their 



duty, to prohihit by legislative enactment, the introduc- 
tion or existence of slavery within any of the Territories 
of the United States, now or hereafter to be acquired. 

The gentleman who introduced these resolu- 
tions, and through whose efforts as much perhaps 
as those of any one they were passed, was MR. 
E, H. THOMSON, the present candidate for 
Congress upon the Democratic ticket in the 4th 
district. 
A fe-w reflections are suggested by the present po- 
sition of this gentleman upon a platform which de- 
clares it to be the duty of every branch of the Gov- 
ernment to enforce the mandates of the Supreme 
Court for the protection of slave property in the 
Territories. If slavery was an evil in 1849, is it 
not an evil in 1860? If its spread into the Ter- 
ritories should be discouraged then, should it 
not be discouraged now ? If Congress then had 
the power, and it was their duty " to prohibit 
by legislative enactment, the iEtroduction or 
existence of slavery within any of the Territories 
of the United States," have they not the power, 
and is it not their duty, to do so now ? If Mr. 
Thomson was honest in his advocacy of the res- 
olutions which he introduced in the Legislature 
of ] 849, can he be honest in his defence of the 
doctrines he now advocates? 

At all events, can a man be entrusted with the 
delegated rights of a free people, who is capable 
of turning such a complete somerset upon a 
question so vital to their interests as this? Vo- 
ters of the Fourth District I If you would elect a 
man who can be trusted at all times and in all places 
— a man who has sympathy with the laboring clas- 
ses, and who has risen from among them by his 
integrity, energy and talents, to the position he 
now occupies — above all, a man who is tried and 
true, and who is enlisted, heart and soul, on the 
side o( Freedom in the great contest now being 
waged in this country — if you would send such 
a man to represent you in the Congress of the 
United States, vote for ROWLAND E. TROW- 
BRIDGE! 

We have space but for one more extract from 
Democratic records. In July, 1849, a series of 
resolutions were adopted by a Democratic State 
Convention of Maine, with but " one dissetiting 
voice'''' among five hundred and ninety-three del- 
egates in attendance. 

The following was one of this series of resolu- 
tions : 

Resolved, That the institution of human slavery is at 
variance with ihe theory of our government ; abhorrent 
to the common sentiment of mankind, and fraught with 
danger to all who come within the sphere of its influence: 
that the Federal Government possess adequate power to 
inhib.t itsexisience in the Territories of the Union; that 
the constitutionality of this power has been settled by 
by judicial ci'n.<!truction,by cimtemporaneous exposition, 
and by Tepeat>-d acts of legislation; aed that we enjoin 
upon our t^eoators and Represt-ntatives in Congress to 
make every exertion, and employ all their iuHuence, to 
procure the pas.'^age of a law forever excluding slavery 
from the Territories of California and New Mexico. 

These resolutions were published in the Lan- 
sing Michigan State Journal, " [State Paper,] " 
of July 23, 1 849, accompanied by the following 
editorial remarks : 



" The resolutions pertaiaing to the slavery question and 
its conHection with the Democratic party, are very ex 
pUcit. Tfae first one declares • that the extension of the 
Uessirwfs of hcmax FRESDaM throughout the world, is iden- 
tified with and dependent upon the success and triumph 
of thoseprincipUi which constUuia the basis of the NA- 
TIONAL DEMOCRATIC REPUBUCAN PARTY.' There is 
none and can bs no such party, without ' human free- 
dom ' and ' civil liberty ' for its basis. A party, there- 
fore, which upholds measures to extend human slavery, 
or to permit U to be extended into free territory when it has 
the power to prevent it, can have no claim to the title of a 
National Republican party. It becomes, of necessity, a 
saetiona), slavery party." 

The quotation is exact — italics and all. 
( Such, fellow citizens, wa3 the proud position 
of the Democratic party in 1849. Where are 
they to-day ? Alas! Like Esau, they have sold 
themselves for a mess of pottage, and have lost 
their birthright! Like Judas, they have be- 
trayed their master, an^i have fallen! 

The great men who once breathed into them 
the breath of Liberty, have gone to their final 
rest, or are nobly battling in the ranks of the 
Republican party for the same living and glorious 
principles ; while the once proud crest of De- 
mocracy is rent in twain, and stoops to the dust ! 

But there is one truth expressed in the above 
quotation to which we wish to call your especial 
atteation. It is that the Democratic party, by 
the position it now occupies upon the slavery 
question, has " become, of necessity, a SEC- 
TIONAL party." No condemnation of them- 
selves, or vindication of the Republican party, 
can be more complete than is furnished by their 
own language. Out of their own mouths we 
condemn them. 

This sectionalism runs through every act of 
the Democratic party. Do they, by improving 
our rivers and harbors, protect and encourage 
the commerce of the North and West? No! 
Do they, by grants of land to actual settlers, 
provide homes for indigent freemen in our terri- 
torial domain? No! Do they, by a judicious 
rovision of the Tariff upon foreign products, 
foster the free labor industrial interests of the 
country? No! Do they, by the construction of 
e central National Railroad to the Pacific, seek 
to bind the Union in indissoluble bonds ? No ! 
All their efforts are put forth to strengthen, ex- 
tend and nationalize the institution of human 
slavery ! 

CORRTTPTIOX OF THE NATIOXAL ADMINISTRATIOK. 

This is a subject at once painful and humilia- 
ting to all true American citizens. The thought 
that to the highest place in the gift of this great 
nation, there has been elected by the popular 
choice a man whose deep-dyed villainies, high- 
handed corruptions and profound rascalities have 
made our government a stench in the nostrils of 
the civilized world, is certainly not a pleasant 
subject to dwell upon. 

So disgusting was the profligacy of Franklin 
Pierce, that in 1856 the Detroit Free Press — a 
paper not over-stocked with honesty or sensibil- 
ity, was led to " thank God that his administra- 
tion was drawing to a close." But the "vener- 
able functionary," " J. B." has descended into | 



such bottomless depths of iniquity and sconn- 
drelism, that he has at length succeeded in mak- 
ing even the administration of Pierce compara- 
tively respectable. It is startling to witness the 
accelerated speed with which, as a nation, we 
are traversing the road to ruin ; and unless a 
change is at once inaugurated, we shall irretriev- 
ably sink into the abyss of bankruptcy. The 
following are the expenditures of administrations 
since that of Monroe : 
Monroe's administration, (four yeaTS,J..$ 4!5,4.32,382 75 

Adams' " 51,671,933 99 

Jackson's " (second term,) . lS4,051,73o 81 

Van Baren'a " 110,673,427 81 

Harrison's " 78,163,312 81 

Polk's " 165,481,013 38 

Taylor's " 158,161,528 71 

Pierce's " 232,826,622 36 

Buchanan's " (one year,).... 133,000,000 OT 

The entire expenditures of Buchanan's admin- 
istration will not fall short of $550,000,000 00, 
or an amount more than three hundred millions 
of dollars greater thjin was expended under 
Pierce's administration ! Never, until the Dem- 
ocratic party are hurled from power, can all the 
cess-pools of rottenness and corruption in which 
the public money has been sunk, be brought to 
light A few of these, however, have by dint 
of hard labor been discovered. 

The following items for the year 1859, are ta- 
ken from a report made by Howell Cobb, Secre- 
tary of the Treasury, to the Senate of the Uni- 
ted States, April 7, 1860, being a "Statement 
exhibiting the amount of revenue collected in 
each collection district for each of the years from 
June 30, 1 854, to June 30, 1859, and the amount 
expended, and the number of persons employed 
in each district, in the collection of the revenue 
for each of those years : " 



States. 



Year end'g June 30, '59. g. 



Revenue. 



Expenses. 



Ellsworth, 

Waldboro, 

Wiscassett, 

Saco, 

Marblehead, . . . . 

Plymouth 

Sacfcett's Harbor. 

Erie, .' 

Ocracoke, 

Mi-ihilimackinac, 

Hannibal, 

Gardiner, 

Stockton, 

San Diegcr 

Montere" 

San Pedro 



Maine 


$ 779 96 


'■ 


951 88 


'• 


570 53 


" 


230 93 


Mass., 


529 62 


'< 


53 68 


New York . 


74 86 


Penn., 


319 48 


V. Carolina. 


79 42 


Michigan,. . 


422 22 


Missouri,... 


51 30 


Oregon, . .. 


36 50 


California, . 


4 80 


.'' 


27 50 



$ 4,715 
6,692 
6,655 
1,641 
2,170 
1,992 
2,700 
5,131 
2,170 
8,834 
1,018 
13,450 
3,540 
2,472 
5,613 
4,785 



Enormous sums have also been expended in 
bribing Congressmen to pass unjust and odious 
measures ; in procuring fraudulent naturalizations 
and other methods of corrupting the ballot box ; 
in public printing and public contracts, and in 
ways too numerous to mention. 

the evidence of these corruptions has bees 
drawn from the reluctant lips of Democratic wit- 
nesses, by Congressional Investigating Commit- 



tees, and their testimony spread before the world. 
A few facts must suffice. 

One W. C. N. Swift, who expended ten thous- 
and dollars in Buchanan's election, has been 
awarded fraudulent live oak contracts to the tune 
of over $550,000 00 ! 

According to the sworn statement of Mr. 
Wendell, late Government Printer, and owner of 
the President's organ, the Congressional and ex- 
ecutive printing has cost the people more tlmu 
seven and a half msllions of dollars in the last 
six years; and by the same authority the net 
profits upon it have been fifty per cent., or three 
million seven hundred and fifty thoxisand. dol- 
lars ! This is an annual average of ^625,000, 
■which the public printers have realized during 
three years of Pierce's and three years of Bu- 
chanan's administration ! A large portion of this 
enormous sum, it has been proved before the 
Congressional Livestigation Committee, has been 
used in upholding rotten and dishonest pro-sla- 
very organs, and in perpetrating frauds upon the 
ballot-box for the benefit of the pro-slaveiy par- 
ty. Mr. Bowman testified that fifty thousand 
dollars has been taken from the Treasury annu- 
ally for constructive printing ; that is, by charg- 
ing composition and press work turice on docu- 
m-ents printed only once. Other swindles, quite 
as glaring, without number, have been perpetra- 
ted, and with the direct sanction of the Presi- 
dent. 

Fellow citizens, is it not high time these pub- 
lic swindlers were expelled from power, and the 
rotten, crumbling and divided hulk of the Dem- 
ocratic party, scuttled and sunk ? 

That Michigan will perform her part in this 
work there is not a doubt, and in November next 
there is every indication that bogus-democracy 
will be stranded in the storm of popular indigna- 
tion, and that on the fourth of March next its 
shattered remains will be buried forever out of 
sight. Such a consummation must be devoutly 
desired by all good citizens, and in the language 
of Patrick Henry, " let it come ! " 

THE REPUBLICAN PLATFORM AND CANDIDATES. 

The platform adopted by the Cl;icago Conven- 
tion is one which cannot fail to receive the warm- 
est support of every true-hearted Republican. 

The broad and national views it embraces ; 
the firmness with which it adheres to the prin- 
ciples of the Constitution, as set forth by the 
founders of our government; its indignant pro- 
test against disunion, the treachery of the Le- 
compton Constitution, the infamous Dred Scott 
Decision, the re-opening of the African Slave 
Trade, and the vetoes of the Federal Governors 
of Kansas and Nebraska ; as well as the patriot- 
ism and love of Freedom, as our priceless inher- 
itance, which lives in every line ; all these ren- 
der it every thing that we could desire as a plat- 
form upon which to stand, to fight the battles of 
Freedom and of Progress. But we call especial 
attention to the following resolutions of the plat- 
form: 

11. That Kansas shouM, of right, be immediately ad- 



mitted as a State under the Constitution recentlj foimed 
and adopted by ber people, and accepted by the House of 
Repreeentatives. 

12. That while providing revenue for the support of the 
general government by duties upon imports, sound policy 
requires such an adjustment of these imports as to en- 
courage the development of the industrial interests of the 
whole country ; and we commend that pol cy of national 
exchanges, which secures to the working men liberal wa- 
ges, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and 
manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, 
and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity 
and independence. 

13 That we protest against any sale or alienation to 
others of the Public Lands held by actual settlers, and 
against any view of the Free Homestead policy which re- 
gards the settlers as paupers or suppliants for public 
bounty, and we demand the passage by Congress of the 
complete and satisfactory Homestead measure which has 
already passt'd the House. 

14. That the National Kepublican party is opposed to 
any change in our Naturaheatiq^ Laws, or any State legis- 
lation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accord- 
ed to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged : 
and in favor of giving full and efficient protection to tlit 
rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or natural- 
ized, both at home and abroad. 

15. That appropriations by Congress for River and Har- 
bor Improvements of a national character, required for 
the accommodation and leenrity of an e.xi?t Hg commerce, 
are authori?ed by the Constitution, and ju.stiBed by the 
obligation of Government to protect the lives and prop- 
erty of its citizeiLS 

16. That a Railroad to the Pacific Ocean is imperatively 
demanded by the interests of the whole country ; that 
the Federal Government ought to render immediate and 
efficient aid in its con.struction ; and th*t,a8 preliminary 
thereto, a daily Overland Mail should be promptly estab- 
lished. 

17. Finally, having set forth our distinctive principles 
and views, we mvite the co-operation of all citiiens, how- 
ever differing on other questions, who substantially agree 
with us, in their affirmancs and support. 

If the platform of the Chicago Convention is 
acceptable to the freemen of the nation, equally 
so are the candidates. Abraham Lincoln is an 
eminently fit representative of a nation of free 
laborers. Born in indigence, he has in all his 
struggles been thrown back upon himself. Yet 
his steady ardor, his chivalric courage, his per- 
severing industry, his unimpeachable integrity, 
and his great, clear and sagacious mind, have 
made him successful over all the obstacles that 
have opposed his progress, and to-day he stands 
acknowledged as one of the greatest living states- 
men of the country, and above all, an honest 
man — the noblest work of God! 

With a soul unstained by corruption, and a 
heart which never falters in its devotion to free- 
dom, and its love of the whole country ; he will 
bring to the presidential office qualities which 
will endear him to the American people, will 
work a regeneration of the government, and will 
bring about a new era in the history of our na- 
tional progress and prosperity. 

Hannibal Hamlin is also a man in whose 
praise too much cannot be said. A Democrat of 
the Jefferson school, and high in posts of honor 
and in the confidence of his party; when that 
party struck the flag of Freedom, and went over 
to the legions of the Slave Power, he refused to 
follow ; resigned his place upon their committees 
and enrolled himself with the advocates of Re- 
publican principles. 

Fellow citizens ! These are the principles and: 



these the men we present for your support — 
principles which command your admiration — men 
worthy of your confidence ! Rally, then, to the 
standard of Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, and 
Honest Old Abe of the West! 

STATE ISSUES. 

The leaders of the pro-slavery Democracy, 
sensible that they cannot maintain a contest with 
the Republican party upon the National ques- 
tions at issue between the parties, seek to divert 
the attention of the people of Michigan to ques- 
tions of State policy and fin-ance. 

Through a reckless misrepresentation of the 
purpose and policy of the Republican party ; by 
means of a careful concealment of some of the 
features of that policy, and a gross distortion of 
others ; by falsehoods, slanders and libels, they 
hope to delude the people into the mistaken be- 
lief that the Republican party, in the adminis- 
tration of the State government for the past five 
years, have been guilty of mismanagement, prof- 
ligacy, and an utter disregard of the interests of 
the State. 

These are grave charges, and would render 
any party against whom they are sustained, un- 
worthy of your confidence or support. 

A candid and truthful investigation of the 
facts in the case, will, to any intelligent mind, 
triumphantly vindicate the Republican party 
from the charges preferred against it. 

To this investigation we invite our fellow citi- 
zens, appealing to records which cannot be dis- 
proved for the facts and figures we present. 

The causes of present embarrassment lie back 
of Republican administrations. They had their 
origin in the reckless expenditure of many hun- 
dreds of thousands of dollars of borrowed capi- 
tal upon useless works of " internal improve- 
ment," for the benefit of party jobbers and con- 
tractors, by which the State became burdened 
with an enormous public debt, and from which 
not a particle of benefit was ever derived ; in 
untold sums stolen from the treasury by parttzan 
favorites, or given awav to them upon fraudu- 
lent claims or upon the most paltry pretexts ; in 
appropriating to private or party purposes taxes 
levied expressly to pay th« hiterest upon the 
State debt, and suffering the interest thereon to 
remain unpaid ; in permitting large cash balances 
to lie in the treasury of the State almost without 
interest, that State ofiicials might grow rich from 
their loan to banks and other corporations; in 
squandering the proceeds of the Trust Funds, 
while the building of necessary State institutions 
was utterly neglected; in creating scores of 
Wild-Cat Banks that drove a healthy currency 
out of every artery of trade and commerce, and 
suppHed its place with worthless rags; and in 
the general poUcy of the democratic party, of 
which these are but instances— a policy stub- 
bornly persisted in through all the long, dark 
years of their sway— whereby the settlement of 
the country, the development of its resources, 



and its growth in wealth and population were 
materially retarded. 

The Republican party have strive", earnestly 
to remedy the chronic evils inflicted upon the 
State by the frauds and mismanagement of their 
predecessor. Upon their accession to power, 
they promptly stopped the interest upon the un- 
adjusted portion of the five million loan, which 
had accumulated to nearly a million of dollars, 
and lemaine;] unpaid. They at once passed a 
law requiring the State Treasurer to obtain in- 
terest at five per ceut. on all loans of cash bal- 
ances in the treasury; thus realizing from this 
source over seventy thousand dollars in Jive 
years, whereas the only amount ever paid in by 
the Democratic party for the use of the large 
sum constantly kept on hand, was the paltry 
pittance of $1,553 86. 

They have promptly paid the interest upon 
the State debt, and reduced the principal aa far 
as means were in their power. They have built 
up our State Institutions, and made them the 
pride and ornament of Michigan. 

They have applied the resources derived from 
the sale of the Swamp Lands to opening up the 
wilderness for settlement, and have given free 
homes to indigent actual settlers; and by provi- 
ding for the completion of the Geological Sur- 
vey of the State; and by the appointment of au 
Emigraut Agency; as well as by the geaeral 
scope of their legislation, they have subserved 
the best interests of Michigan, and liave laid the 
foundation of her prosperity in the future. 

To the general charges that are made against 
us, we propose to make specific rejoinders, and 
prove by undeniable testimony the falsehood of 
the accusations. But in order to show the ob- 
stacles with which the Republicans, as a party, 
have had to contend, as well as to contrast their 
policy with that of the Democratic party, it is 
necessary to begin with the early financial history 
of Michigan. 

ORIGIN OF THE STATE DEBT — DEMOCRATIC RULE. 

N'o State ever came into the Union with bright- 
er prospects than Michigan. Possessing a good 
climate, a fertile soil, immense lumber resources 
and inexhaustible mineral wealtii, and being pen. 
etrated by numerous navigable rivers, and sur- 
rounded by more than 3,000 miles of lake coast, 
her advantages were extraordinary, and with 
proper management of her financial affairs, would 
have soon placed her, in wealth and population, 
in the front rank of States. But unfortunately 
the interests of the State were committed to the 
hands of most reckless and extravagant men, 
who at once embarked in schemes the wildest 
and most absurd. 

The State was without commerce, and almost 
destitute of population; yet three lines of rail 
road were projected across it, and heavy appro- 
priations made for their completion. Large ap- 
propriations were also made for the improvement 
of rivers whose navigation was valueless, and in 
opening canals through regions, some portions of 
which are even yet inhabited only by wolves 
and wild cats. 



As the State had no resources, it was com- 
pelled to borrow. So the Democratic party ef- 
fected the Five Million Loan, $2,842,960 of 
which (the only portion ever received by the 
State) was expended, squandered, lost or stolen, 
in carrying on this " grand scheme " of Internal 
Improvements. Like all lotteries, while a few 
drew prizes, the mass of the people drew blanks, 
and poverty and ruin were the consequence. 

In addition to the State del)t thus originated, 
the General Government in 1841 granted the 
State 500,00 > acres of land at a minimum value 
of $625,000, for Internal Improvement purposes. 
No sooner had this grant been confirmed, than 
the cormorants who had already fattened upon 
the State, seized upon and "appropriated'' it, 
and it disappeared at once into the vortex whith- 
er it had been preceded by the $5,000,000 loan. 

The "closing out" of this transaction is thus 
commented upon by Gov. Barry, in his message 
of 1850, (page 14): " The Internal Improvement 
Lands are no longer a source of revenue. The 
large, if not wasteful appropriations by the Leg- 
islature of 1848 not only included the residue 
then remaining^ hut also a large q^iantity pre- 
viously disposed of. The appropriations then 
made, amounting in the aggregate to 180,000 
acres, produced but inconsiderable good, while 
at the same time, they absorbed $232,500 00 of 
the resources of the State, being a sum equal to 
the minimum price of the lands, for which they 
would have been sold, and for which provision 
must be made by direct taxation.'''' 

Yet these spendthrifts and robbers, whose pol- 
icy was to enrich themselves by fleecing the peo- 
ple, have the effrontery to cry out against the 
Republican party for making the necessary ap- 
propriations for building up State institutions 
which they neglected, and for applying the re- 
sources of the State for the liquidation of debts 
contracted by them. 

In the Fall of 1846 the Central and Southern 
roads were sold, and the sums received on these 
sales were applied toward the extinguishment of 
that portion of the State debt known as the 
" Debt of the Internal Improvement Fund." 

Gov. Felch, in his message to the Legislature 
of 1847, (page 4,) states the " total of Internal 
Improvement debt," after deducting the "bal- 
ance due on the sale of the Central and Southern 
Kail Roads," to be $1,987,140 77, which, of 
course, was the amount sunk in the " internal 
improvements" made by the Democratic party, 
as the balance of these works were not worth 
the parchment upon which the contract for their 
sale might be writt-en. The following is a 

TABLE sh'uring some nf the items of lossei lathe Siale en 
works rf Inte<Tial linprovemeidfrdm 18;;S to 1847.iTichi- 
svw: 

Dead loss. 
^•Clinton im 1 Kalamazoo Canal, (abitdcnsJ,) $375,000 00 
*Sn.gitiAW und Bid Riytr Cao;'.l, '• .^2,749 98 

*Nof1hern Railroad, " 80,229 03 

*Laj)\afs\nce Bay Railroad, " 34.113 00 

*IttiprovemeDt of State Salt i?prings, " 35,970 16 

*5ea Birry "s llessage of 1842, and subsequent messagos 
and Reports of Boara of Internal Imfirovement. 



*Improvement St. Joseph Rrver, (abandoned,) 26,797 72 
♦Improvement of Grand, Maple and Kalama- 
zoo Rivers, (abandoned,) .02,775 25 

Costof JI. C, R. R., (Felch's mesnages, 1846 

and 1.S47,) $2,382,,797 97 

Proceeda of sale M. C. R. R., 2,000,000 00 

3-32,797 97 

Cost of M. S. R. R., (Ranaom'.s 

me3.sagi, 1849,) $1,200,000 00 

Proceeds of sale M. S R. R , 500,000 00 

700,000 00 

Total lo,s.s on these items alisue, §1,720,433 71 

It is proper, however, that we should ack- 
nowledge such credits to these works as we find 
upon the record. In Joint Doc. No. 4, 1847, 
(page 21,) David Shook, Superintendent Clintoa 
and Kalamazoo Canal, states the amount of tolls 
received upon the Canal to be $43 42. Also, in 
Joint Doc. No. 4, 1849, (page 3,) there is the 
following 

INVENTORY of Properly nnvj on hand beli>n{)inJ} It 
the St. Joseph liivtr Improvement: 
2 boats; 11 bed ticks; 2 pails; 4 pii'ees of chain; 

1 s Taper; 5 pair hooks; 2 bars iron; 4 canks; 2 lines 
(old); 2 cross cut saws; 3 block.s; 1 hand saw; 2 axe.s; 1 
b'lx old iron; 1 box dishes; 2 shoveU; 1 anchor; 2 jags; 

2 poles; 1 tinhorn; 1 rake; 24 blankets; 1 snatch block; 
1 keel boat (Hooaier); 1 scrape boat; 1 towel; 6 bed 
ticks; 10 qudts; 3 blankel.c; 2 axes; 1 l^i inch auger; 1 
stove and trimmiogs; 12 earthen plates; 2 earthen dish- 
e.s; 20 knives and forks; 3 large spoons; 2 pot pails; 2 
stone jugs ; 1 large tin pan ; 11 tea spoons ; 5 
bowls ; 16 cups and saucers ; 2 pepper bjxes ; 1 
stone jar; Stinpail^; 2 tn dippers; 2 candlesticks; 2pie 
pans; 2 coffee pots; 1 tea canister; 1 wa.sh dish; 1 pair 
blocks and fall; 74 lbs. 3 inch rope; 69 lbs 2,i^ inch rope: 
200 feet 5 inch rope (old); 40 feet 4 iur;ii rope (old); 1 
bucksaw; IbDwsaw; 2 pair stone ho-ks; 2 crow bars; 2 
socket pLvia (long); 5 socket podo (short). 

JOHN F. PORTER, 
Sup't St. Joseph River. 

Such was the origin of the chief portion of 
the State debt, which still presses heavily upon 
the people of Michigan, and such were the ob- 
jects for which it was incurred. 

The following is the proportion of the debt of 
the Internal Improvement Fund to the total State 
debt, as given by Auditor General D. V. Bell, in 
his Report of Dec. Ist, 1846, (Joint Doc, No. 2, 
1847, page 23): 

AGGREGATE INDEBTEDNESS OF THE STATE. 

Debt of the General Fund, $ 311,909 75 

Dabt of the Interna! Improve cent Fund,.. . .1,987,140 77 

Total Debt, $2,299,050 52 

Aggregate resources applicable to its payment: 

Re.sourcesof the General Fund, $389,275 01 

Resources of the lutei nil Improvement Fund, 422,123 00 

Total Resources, $811,398 01 

As we have already seen, the available resour' 
ces of the Internal Improvement Fund were 
squandered by the Legislature of 1848. 

We cannot ascertain that the resources of the 
General Fund were ever applied upon the debt, 
but if they were, it follows that the entire State 
debt is due to the amount squandered upon In- 
ternal Improvements by a party professing at the 
same time to be opposed to the doctrine that 
either the National or State Governments should 
engage in any general system of Internal Im- 
provements. 



9 



We submit that it ill becomes a party, who 
have been guilty of such astounding profligacy 
and recklessness in the management of the af- 
fairs of the State, to impugn the integrity of the 
Republican party because of expenditures nec- 
essarily incurred, and which have been made a 
burden by previous mismanagement and neglect. 

Do you desire, felk)w citizens, to reinstate a 
party in power, which, in former times, proved 
so recreant to its trust ? We believe not. 

But the exhibit we have given only discloses 
a portion of the losses incurred by the people of 
Michigan under this grand Democratic " internal 
improvement " swindle. 

Scores of claims fo. damages sustained by con- 
tractors, and others connected with these works, 
have been allowed by the Board of State Audi- 
tors, and paid. Here is a specimen: 

" Allowed by the B.,a:d, Deo. 2, 1854. 

'■ Gilbert & Cj, damages by reason of misrepresenta- 
tinu of the Commi8KioQers of Internal Improvomeat made 
to i-nduoe a low bidding oh letting contract on Clinton and 
Kslamazoo Cam), $2,204 29" 

'' December ?0, 1854. 

*' Bfonson, Kn ght & Ingalls, claim for damages by 
rea on of mi^repiesentation of Commi^^:s oners of Internal 
Improvement to induce a low bidding on letting contract 
o^ Oliotcn and Kalamazoo Canal, 86,234 78" 

These sums amount to many thousands of dol- 
lars. 

But vast amounts of money were lost in other 
ways. Of -the amount originally received on the 
five million loan, $600,000 were deposited in the 
Michigan State Bank, and lost; $30,000 were car- 
ried ofl' by an absconding agent of the Southern 
Railroad, and other sums, too numerous to men- 
tion, were lost, that never saw the light of offi- 
cial reports. There were also transactions of a 
difiPerent character. (lere is an instance. In 
1838 a loan of $100,000, for twenty years, was 
made by the S^ate for the relief of the Detroit 
and Pontiac Railroad Company, and ample secu- 
rity for the payment of tne principal and interest 
thereon was taken upon the stock and fixtures of 
ihe road. Only the first semi-annual installment 
of interest was paid by the Company, and in 
1848, ten years afterwards, the then Attorney 
Greneral, Geo. V. N. Lothrop, compromised the 
entire debt for $.32,000, at an absolute loss to 
the State of $185,000. This same Lothrop is 
the Democratic candidate for Congress in the 
First Congressional District of the State. Elec- 
tors of the First District! If you desire to sanc- 
tion such a disgraceful act of ofiScial misconduct, 
vote for G. V. N. Lothrop ; but if you would 
place the seal of your condemnation upon such 
a public delinquent, vote for BRADLEY F. 
GRANGER — a man worthy of your confidence 
and support. 

But let us now pass to the consideration of the 

STATE DEBT SINCE 1S4Y. 

As the pro-slavery Democracy would gladly 
repudiate the policy of their party in the matler 
of the State debt prior to 1847, just as they re- 
pudiated the unpaid portion of the five million 
loan, and just as they seek to repudiate the prof- 
ligate and corrupt administration of James Bu- 



chanan; and as they claim that the Democratic 
policy commenced with that period, we will trace 
the history of the State debt from that time un- 
til an outraged and indignant people hurled the 
Democratic party from power; and compare their 
record with that of the Republican party. 

DEMOCRATIC INCREASE OF THE ST^TE DEBT IK 7 
YEARS. 
Auditor Gen. D. V. Bell, in his Report of Dec. 1, 1847, 
(p-iir« 19,) states the "Total Sta'e Debt, for which she 

s liable without contingeacy," to be $2,290,768 61 

Auditor General Swegles, in hi.s Report of 
Dec. 1, 1854, (page 7,) makes the "Total 
funded and fundable Debt," 2,631,545 70 

Democratic increase in 7 years, $240,777 19 

RETTJBLICAN DECREASE OF THE STATE DEBT IN 5 

TEARS. 
State Debt Dec. 1, 1864, (Swegles' Report,) $2,531,545 70 
Auditor General Case, in his Report of Dec. 
SO, 1869, (page 11,) gives the Total Sta'e 
Indebtednets as 2,316,328 94 

Republican decrease in 5 years, $215,216 76 

Notwithstanding this evidence, furnished prin- 
cipally by Democratic records, there are not 
wanting those who have the hardihood to declare 
that the "Democratic policy was constantly to 
diminish the State debt," and that the Republi- 
can party have largely increased it ! 

The exhibit we have given does not include 
the accretions to the Trust Funds, but pertains 
exclusively to the bonded debt of the State. 

The relations of the Trust Funds to the State 
are entirely different from those of the bonded 
debt. The latter consists of loans made, usually 
for 2 I years, the interest payable semi-annually, 
and the principal payable at the close of the pe- 
riod for which the loan was made, or " at any 
time thereafter, or at any time previous, at the 
option of the State." 

It is plain, then, that this debt is under the 
direct control of the State government, and may 
be increased or diminished according to the 
means or necessities of the State. But with the 
Trust Funds the case is different. These are 
funds arising principally from the proceeds of 
the sales of lands "granted by the United 
States to the State, for educational purpoftes, 
and the proceeds of all lands or other property 
given by individuals, or appropriated by the State 
for like purposes," which the constitution de- 
clares "shall be and remain a PERPETUAL 
FUND," the interest and income of which "shall 
be inviolably appropriated and annually applied 
to the specific objects of (he original gift, grant or 
appropriation." 

Hence, the increase of the debt to the Trust 
Funds is no argument against the economy of an 
administration, or the prudence with which it 
has managed the affairs of the State. The only 
manner in which this increase can be prevented 
is by robbery of these sacred inheritances of the 
people. In this, as in other instances, the De- 
mocracy have availed themselves of their pre- 
rogative of plundering the State, as the follow- 
ing exhibit from the School Laws of Michigan — 



10 



a work issued in 1 859, by the Superintendent of 

Public Instruction, will show : 

Tabic showing the amount lost to (he Primary School and 

University Funds during Democratic rule. 
Deficiency in the Piimary School Fund, (see School Laws, 

pare 19,) S34,2S4 65 

Worthless loans of Primary School Fnnd, (see 

School Laws, paee 18,) 11,900 00 

Deficiency in the University Fund, (see School 

Laws, page 57,) 25,590 51 

Total, $71 ,725 16 

Thus we see that the Democratic party, beside 
the vast amount it has plundered from other 
sources, has been guilty of a most culpable rob- 
bery of STl,'y25 16!! from funds made 
forever sacred to the youth of Michigan, by the 
constitution of the State ! Fellow citizens, do 
you wish a return to this Democratic policy? If 
so, vote the Democratic ticket. 

But to return. We have shown by their own 
records that the Democratic party, during the 
last seven years of its sway — a period pointed to 
with pride as illustrating, par excellence, Demo- 
cratic State policy — increased the State debt 
$240,777 19. "When, therefore, they assert that 
" the Democratic policy was constantly to dimin- 
ish the State debt," they state a deliberate and 
wilful falsehood. 

But what apology can they offer for this in- 
crease? Xone whatever. They did not expend 
the resources of the State on works of internal 
improvement, (with the exception of finishing, 
in 1848, the grant of land made by Congress for 
that purpose, and paying old debts,) because 
these works had already been sold or abandoned. 
Neither did they apply these resources to build- 
ing up State Institutions, for they left this work 
for the Republican party to perform. They will 
hardly desire to claim that this increase was 
made necessary to meet the ordinary expenses of 
the government, and on account of sums squan- 
dered or stolen from the treasury by themselves, 
yet we defy them to show that this sum was de- 
voted to any honest expenditure whatever. 

The Repnbhcan party, on the other hand, be- 
sides reducing the State debt $215,215 7B, as 
shown by the Auditor General's Reports, have 
paid a much la.iger amount of interest accruing 
thereon than was paid during the Democratic 
period referred to — have met the increasing ex- 
penditures consequent upon a growing State, and 
have paid a much larger sum for the develop- 
ment of the resources of the State and the build- 
ing up of its institutions ; while all these have 
been done with less aggregate receipts than were 
those cf the seven previous years ot Democratic 
rule. The following table exhibits the receipts 
from all sources for the following years : 

DEM0C1L4TIC PERIOD, (SEVEN YKAR3 ) 

Dash on hand December 1, 1847, $ 62,304 45 

Eeeaiptscf 1848, 360,868 67 

" 1849, 494,166 06 

" 1850, 429,268 28 

" 1851 352,517 22 

" 1852, 451,082 97 

" 1853, 655,667 86 

" 1854, 610,699 97 



BKFTBUCAJI PEKIOD, (iTTB TEARS.) 

Cash OD hand January 1,1855 $468,893 39 

Receipts cf 1855, 588,396 93 

" 1866, 511,271 70 

" 1857, 450,653 86 

" 1888, 669,720 00 

" 1859, 704,006 02 

Total, $3,392,941 89 



EECAPITDLAIION. 

Total Keceipts of Democratic period, $3,416,574 38 

" " Republican period,'. 3,392,94189 



Democratic excess, $23,632 4-9 



Total, $3,416,574 38 



This showing is too favorable to the Demo- 
cratic party, as in the receipis of 1859 is inclu- 
ded the loan of $100,000 00 made for the repairs 
of the St. Mary's Falls Ship Canal. 

By reference to the amount of cash on hand 
Dec. 1, 1847, it will be seen that there have 
been occasions under Democratic rule, when 
there was a far less amount in the treasury than 
at any time under Republican rule. Let us now 
compare the expenditures during these periods, 
and first, let us look at the interest paid upon 
the State debt. 

TABLE showing the Interest paid upon the Slate Debt, with 
the ixchavge tliereon, from 1848 to 1869 inclusive. 

Republican period, (5 y'rs.) 

1855, $54,141 66 

1856 91,020 29 

1857, 120,134 60 

1858 135,733 87 

1859, 134,208 21 



Democratic period, (7 years ) 

1848, $50,124 87 

1849, 83,501 30 

1850, 62,522 66 

1851, 54,051 11 

1852, 66,496 29 

1853 72,060 28 

1854, 66,304 26 



Total, $544,238 63 



Total, $425,059 76 

RKGAPnTLATION. 

Interest paid by Republioan.s in 5 years, $544,238 63 

" " Democrats in 7 years, 425,069 76 

Republican excess, $119,178 87 

ORDINAKT EXPENSES. 

The following table comprises payments of the 
principal of the State debt, (except Internal Im- 
provement Warrants and Warraat Bonds,) inter- 
est disbursed from the educational trust funds, ex- 
penses of the tax paying department, the Judi- 
ciary, the State Prison, the Legislature, printing, 
binding, &c., salaries of public officers, station 
ery for public offices, and sundry minor expendi- 
tures: 



Democratic period, (7 v'rs.) 

1848, $206,032 99 

1849, 241,559 21 

1S50, 267,493 75 



1851,. 



Republican period, (5 y'rs.) 

1855 $354,982 42 

1856, 406,530 41 

1857, 366 278 16 



1S52, 356,352 63 

1853, 301,080 35 

1S54, 353,911 38 



252,322 14|1S58, 376,786 64 



1859, 419,168 85 



Tota', $1,922,746 47 



Total, $1,978,752 45 

RECAPITOLATIOX. 

Expenses of Democratic period, , $1,978,752 45 

" " Republican period, 1,922,746 47 



Democratic excess, $56,005 98 

The only discrepancy between the total of 
receipts and expenditures, as given in these ta- 
bles, and in the Auditor Generals' Reports, iB 

*Tliis includes the month of December, 1864. 



11 



the following: In 1858 a Renewal Loan of 
$210,000 00 was made, for the purpose of taking 
up bonds about due. This amount is included 
in the receipts of that year, and the bonds taken 
up, $1 97,000 00, included in the expenditures, 
and the balance, §20,000 00, included in the ex- 
penditures of 1859. As this transaction was 
simply a continuance of a debt already existing, 
the amount has been deducted from our exhibit 
of receipts and expenditures. • 

Aside from variances occasioned by payments 
upon the public debt, there has been a constant 
and steady increase of State expenses from year 
to year. This increase is a necessary conse- 
quence of the growth of the State, and the ma- 
turity of its institutions, as the comparison of a 
few items for a given number of years will show. 
We give below statements of interest disbursed 
from the Trust Funds, (Primary School, Univer- 
sity and Noiinai School,) expenses of the Judi- 
ciary, State Pi ison, and Tax Paying Department, 
for the last ten years. The latter embraces the 
business expenses of the Auditor General's De- 
partment, consisting of payments to Counties on 
account, expenses of sales refunded and dis- 
bursed from proceeds, money refunded on re- 
demptions, &c. 

tNl^ERKST DISBUKSSB FROM TRUST FUNDS. 

Democratic Rale, 5 years 

1850 564,043 66 

1851 59,0S4 85 

1852 71,706 40 

1853 73.353 89 

1854. 110,383 31 



SeeapiCulatien, 

Republicans paid in five years,' more than was paid by 
Democrats for a lite period, on the followlrg items alone: 

Interest disbursed from Trust Funds, $357,214 16 

Kspenses of the Judiciary, 46.417 49 

Expenses of State Prison, £4,000 00 

Expenses of Tax-paying Department, 209,995 19 

Total Repcblican Excess in^four items, $667,626 94 



The foUowing table completes the comparison cf ex- 
penditures for the last twelve years: 

ESTRAOKDINART EXFKSSES. 



Democratic Period, 7 years. 

1848 $115,333 61 

1S49 165,338 71 

1850 129,339 00 

1851 46,143 97 

1852.. 19,071 06 

18?3 23,303 76 

1854.* 107,216 64 



Republican Period, 5 years. 



1855 $131,601 Ot- 

1866 142,228 11 

1867 184,566 44 

1858 140,495 34 

1S59 1C3,445 67 



Total S605,751 74 Total, $762,425 65 

Deduct L'emocratic Eipenditures, 606,751 74- 

Republican Excess, §156,673 91 



Total, $368,522 11 Tutal, $726,736 27 

Deduct uemocratic Expenditure, 368,522 11 



Republican Rule, 5 years 

1855 $127,542 61 

1856.... 146,542 26 

1S57 153,011 20 

1858 151,074 84 

1859 147.566 36 



EALiXCES IN FAVOR OF BEPTBUCAN RrLB. 

Let US now compaie the results of the two periods 
mentioned, and see how the account stands: 

Republican Receipts, less, $ 23,032 49 

" decrease of State debt, 215,216 76 

" Interest paid, excess, 119,178 87 

" Extraordinary Expenses, Excess, 156,674 91 



Republican Excess, $357, 214 16 

EXPENSES eF THE JITDIQARY. 

Republican Rule, 5 years. 

1S55 $14,900 61 

1856 16,721 29 

1867 17,946 56 



Tolal, $514,703 03 

Deduct Dem. Excess of ordinary expenses,... 56,005 88 

Balance in favor of Republicans, $458,697 15 

Add Democratic increase of State debt....... 240,777 19 



Total balance in favor of Republican rule, S699,474 34 



Democratic Rule, 5 years 

1860 $9,154 $3 

1851 7,663 19 

1852 .. 14,674 90 

1853 15,254 20 



1854. 



1858 25,840 10 



15,785 58 1889 33,542 



Total, $62,532 70| Total, $108,950 19 

Deduct Democratic Exj enditure, 62,632 70 



Republican Excess, $40,417 49 

EXPENSES OF STATE PRISON. 

Democratic Rule, 5 years, l Republican Rule, 5 years, 

1850 S 6,000 00 1855 $16,000 00 

1851 6,G00 00|lS56 20,006 00 

1852 9,000 00!l8o7 25,000 00 

1853 9,500 00 1868 21,000 00 

1854 10,500 00 1859 13,000 00 



Total,, $41,000 00 Total, $95,000 00 

Deduct Democratic Expenditure, 41,000 00 



RepubUcan Excess $54,000 00 

EXPENSES OF TAX- PAYING DEPARTMENT. 

Democratic Rule, 5 years. 
1850 g3§,783 84 



1851 43,133 40 



Republican Ru'.e, 5 years. 

1855 $97 437 89 

1856 84,313 13 



1852 44,970 23 1857 79,632 24 

1863 73,646 75:1858 112,904 33 

1854 87,533 65 1859 124,775 47 



Totslj. $289,067 87| Total, $499,063 16 

Deduct Democratic Expenditure,. 289,067 87 



RepubUcan Excess, $209,995 29 



But this is quite too favorable a showicg in favor of the 
democracy. We gave the State debt, Dec. 1, 1847, as 
$2,290,768 51. But there were at that time the follow- 
ing resources, applicable to its payment. (See Joint Doc- 
uments 1848, No. 2, page 19.) 

Resources of the General Fund $396,621 96 

■' " Internal Improvement fund, 301,998 00 



Total, $698,619 95 



This sum should be deducted from the amount g^Ten> 
above, which would make the actual State debt at that 
time, $1,592,148 56, and would therefore add this sum of 
$698,619 95, to the democratic increase of the State debt. 

In addition to this the sum of $63,972 46 should be de- 
ducted from the Republican receipts for the year 185^. 
being the difference between the amount expended upon 
the Saut Canal, and the loan made exclusively for its ben- 
efit. This would make the total balance in favor of the 
republican.?, $1,462,066 75, or nearly one and a half 
millions of dollars! 

FURTHER COMPARISON. 

The following table exhibits the objects for 
which extraordinary expenses have been incur- 
red during the past twelve years. We call youi 
attention, fellow- citizens, to the great disparitv 
in objects for which the principal expenditures 
have been incurred by the two parties. 

*Including December, 1854. 



12 



ITKStS OF EXTRAORDINARY KXPHNDrTURES. 

Dem. period Rep. period 
7 y'rs. 5 y'ra. 

Constitutional Convention, $36,015 20 

Enlargement of State Prison,.... 7,249 90 $83,000 00 

State Prison Building Com'r, 3,995 0« 

Appropriat'nsfr'm Int Imp. fund, 379,833 44 36,442 18 

Compilation of Laws, 41,175 52 

Appropriations for Asylums, 29,771 74 262,570 96 

Building Com'rs and Trustees of 

A-sylums, 5,1S7 02 

Mich. State Agricultural Society, 4,80i) 00 10,500 00 

State Agricultural School 113,994 76 

House of Correction and Reform 

School, 73,701 46 

Michigan Journal of Education,. . 6,074 52 

Teacher's Institutes, 7,590 00 

Normal School Building, 6,860 20 

Emigrant Agency, 502 50 2,214 91 

Geological Survey, ■ 2,750 00 

MiliUry purposes, 13,788 51 2,191 71 

: Relief of Gratiot and other Co.'s, 11.53t5 21 

• " Kansas, 1,000 00 

Assessment on Asset Lands in city 

of Detroit, (for paving,) '. 2,715 19 

3(vamp Land Fund, (advertising 

and building roads,) 2,574 60 .33,776 98 

Saut St. Mary Canal, 1,07192 36,027 54 

New Capitol building, fire-proof 

offices and commissioner....... 30,278 35 405 12 

Improvements at Lansing and on 

Great Capitol Square, and remo- 
val of State Offices, 11,631 69 14,312 37 

Road in Houghton and Ontonagon 

Counti-es, 4,000 00 

Sundry appropriations 27,07105 2,364 20 

Fraudulent awards of Board State 

Auditors 53,844 03 

' Uncnnent Funds,. 458 55 



Total,: $605,751 74 $762,420 65 

Of the $379,833 44, which the deraocratic 
party expended on appropriations for Internal 
Improvement, in addition to the legacy of §36,- 
442 18, which they left to the Republicans, 
$232,500 00 was the amount squandered by the 
Legislature of 1848 in worthless appropriations, 
of which mention has already been made. It 
will be seen that the republican party, in five 
years, have contributed to educational, agricul- 
tural, and charitable purposes, the sum of $497,- 
004 93, while the democracy, during seven years 
of their rule, applied to all these objects only 
the paltry sum of $41,432 00! ! The sum of 
$63,844 03, fraudulent awards, was principally 
expended during the last month of democratic 
administrations, and consists of the following 
items: 

Geo. W. Peck, douWe pay, award Aug. 18, '53, $ 450 00 
C. J. Fox, et. al., timber agency, and sham 

suits, awards 1854 3,275 32 

Gilbert & Co. , award, Dec. 2, 1854, 2,204 20 

Phoenix Bank, " " 35,603 74 

Job Brookfie'd, '■ " 4,000 00 

Geo. W. Peck, constructive printing, award, 

Dee. 29, 1854, 999 90 

3. D. Elwood & Co., flat cap never delivered. 

awardDec 30,1854, ' 1,076 00 

Sroason, Knight & Ingalls, award, Dec. 30, 

1854, 6,234 78 



Total, $53,844 02 



With this record staring them in the face, the 
'democracy have the brazen effrontery to prate 
.about the profligacy and corruption of the re- 
pub]ic*ffi warty, and ask you to restore them to 



power, that they may re-inaugurate the policy 
to which they have invariably adhered when in 
power. If you believe in wholesale robbery, 
theft, fraud, profligacy and extravagance, and 
desire to renew their sway in Michigan, you 
have only to restore the democratic party to 
power, and vour desise will be abundantly grati- 
fied. 

CONSTRUCTIVE PRINTINO. 

The award to* Geo. W. Peck for constructive 
printing, was not only a fraud, but a direct vio- 
lation of the Constitution of the State. The Con- 
stitution, Art. IV., Sec. 22, declares that " the 
Legislature shall prescribe by law the manner in 
which the State printing shall be executed, and 
the accounts rendered therefor; and shall pro- 
Mbit all charges for constructid« labor^ The 
following is a transcript of the vouchers upon 
which Mr. Peck drew pay for constructive print- 
ing: 

Stats of MiChiga.v, per Sec. of State. 
18.34. To Gzo. W. Peck, Dk 

Dec. 23. To printing Census Statintics, ka., 1854, 

composition S,030,000 ems, at 33c.,.. .$999 99 



Endorsed " Allowed and paid Dec. 29, 1854." 

Here follows another voucher which includes 

pay for exactly the same work at exactly the 

same price — there being only one composition 

for the same charges for printing: 

State of Michigan, per State Ag. -Sx: , 

1854. To Geo. W. Pkck, ■ Dr. 

Dec. 23 To print. ng Report of Mich. State Agri- 
cultural Society, composition, 4,858,- 
770 em.s,at3Sc , $1,603 39 



Endorsed Correct, and paid Dec. 29, 1854, 

The amount of $999 90 was here allowed in 
the second voucher, after having been paid in 
the first — the Census statistics being included 
in the report of the State Agricultural Society. — 
Th's sum, which justly beloiigs to the Treasury, 
was fraudulently paid over to a political partisan, 
upon a false voucher, for constructive printing, 
expressly prohibited by the constitution! 

INTEREST UPON CASH BALANCES IN THE TREASURY, 

The democracy have loudly boasted of the 
large amount kept on hand in the Treasury by 
themselves; and seek to cast odium upon the re- 
publicans because as large an amount is not kept 
on hand at the present time. The policy of 
keeping large cash balances in the Treasury is 
commented upon by Governor Parsons in his 
mes.sage to the Legislature of 1855, in the fol- 
lowing language: " A large surplus in the Treas- 
ury should be avoided. It is not politic to tax 
the people to obtain money to loan to banks, or 
lock up in the Treasury vaults; it would be safer 
in the peoples' hands, and likely to be more pru- 
dently and profitably managed by them." The 
following are the yearly cash balances in the 
Treasury since 1842: 

TABLE Showing the Cash balances in the Treasury at 
the commencement of each of the foUowLng fiscal 
years, (See Auditor Generals' Reports,) except the year 
1855, in which we give the amount in the Treasury ou 
the accession of the Republican party to power ; 



13 



Democratic Rale. 

1842 $83,726 82 

1843 70,522 20 

1844 85,7K> 55 

1845 36,424 97 

1846 18,892 81 

1847 78,661 00 

1848 62,304 45 

1849 61,681 55] 

1860 65,447 39; 

1851 35,044 27 

1862 97,243 23 

1853 116,407 23 

1854 375,625 70 



Repobiican Rule. 

1855 $468,893 39 

1866 516,475 15 

1867 387,968 04 

1858 , .. 158,642 70 

1859 nO,347 20 



Dead Loss 
Circnlatin^ Notes surrendered,.. $95,425 25 

DivideDd paid on saoi*', 38,170 10— $67,265 15 

Amount Outstanding, 15,000 00 

Total Lose 872,255 15 



Aggregate,. $1,1 67 ,671 26 



Aggregate, .$1,708,326 48 



It will be seen that at the coEimencement of 
the fiscal year 1846, the cash balance in the 
Treasury was only $18,892 81! When it reach 
es that figure under republican rule, it will be 
ample time for the fierce democracy to begin to 
howl. 

Upon an aggregate cash balance of $1,708,- 
326 48, the republicans have received the sum 
of $71,338 61 in five years, as interest for its 
use. A proportionate sum upon the aggregate 
for the democratic period given above, would, 
without regard to time, amount to $49,104 10. 
This amount, at least, should have been received 
into the Treasury, as ifiterest upon cash balances 
during that long period of thirteen years. But, 
as we have already stated, the only amount the 
democrats ever paid into the Treasury for the 
use of cash balances, was the sum ot $1,553 86! 
Here, then is a swindle of $47,550 24 ! ! 

Yet these Democratic patriots, who have such 
terrible convulsions over a loss which has never 
been incurred by the State, had not a word of 
condemnation for this gross violation of duty ! 

GOVERNMENT STOCK BANK FKAUD. 

The law required the bills of the Government 
Stock Bank to be countersigned by the State 
Treasurer, and that no bills should be put in cir- 
culation except their full value was secured by 
etockfl deposited in the Treasury. Consequently 
the OTer-issue of these bills which occurred, was 
a base fraud, perpetrated by the State Treasurer, 
his Deputy, or others, who had access to the 
vaults of the State. Under republican rule, all 
surrendered bills of State banks are immediately 
burned in the presence of the person making 
the surrender. Had this manifest duty been 
performed under democratic rule, no over-issue 
of the circulating notes of the Government 
Stock Bank would have occurred. Instead of 
this being done, they were not even mutilated, 
but were suffered to remain scattered about on 
shelves and other convenient places, from which 
they could be stolen and put again in circula- 
tion. 

According to a notice previously given by the 
State Treasurer, upon which the surrender of 
these bills was made, the dividend was declared 
on the od day of July, 1855. The amount giv- 
en in the following table as outstanding, was 
bills which were surrendered subsequently to the 
declaration of the dividend, and were conse- 
quently a total loss to_^the holders: 



I Here, then^ in this one item alone, the demo- 
j cratic party robbed the people of $72,255 15 ! ! 

I OTHER RAIL ROAD LOANS. 

I The amount sunk in the loan to the Pontiac 
Rail Road Company was by no means the entire 
loss incurred by loans to rail roads. Gov. Ran- 
som, in his message to the Legislature of 1849, 
(page 25,) says: 

'•The policy of loaning tie inorry or credit fof the 
Sti;e to corporations, has almost uniTei sally proved dis- 
astrous to the interests of the State. Our own past ex- 
perience is full of instruction on this suViject This policy 
formed a prominent feature in our original system of in- 
te'nal improvement. The credit of the 8tate was loaned 
to various rail road companies, to a very large amount, 
which resulted in a certain li^ss of more than THREE 
HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS, eivry dollar of which is 
yet to be wrung frmn the pockets of the peoxAe by the handf 
of the tax gatherer." 

Deduct from this sum the amount lost by the 
Pontiac Bail Road loan, and we kave, as the loss 
in loans to other rail roads, the sum of $115,000 ! 

THE SWEGLKS FRAUD. 

In the fall of 1857, duplicate part-paid bonds, 
to the amount of $4,000, were sent to the State 
Treasurer for payment of interest thereon. Af- 
ter considerable investigation, it was ascertained 
that these bonds had been issued by " honest!" 
John Swegles, and that he had received their 
cash value, $2,269 40. On being charged with 
the crime, this honest democratic official confess- 
ed it, and might at any time be incarcerated with- 
in the State prison, for this robbery of the State. 

GRAND RECAPITULATION ! ! ! 

^ilF. lEOl'LE'S MONEY WHICH lUS BEEN' SQUANDEEED, LOST OK 
STOLEN BY THE DEMOCRATlf PARTY. 

Loss on sale of Central and Southern Railroads, and on 

abandoned public works, $1,720,433 •71 

Loss on Pontiac Railroad Loan, 185,000 00 

Lo'^s on other Railroad Loan.s, 115,000 00 

Loss on interest on Cash Balances, 47,550 24- 

i> mount stolen from the Primary School and 

University Funds 71,725 16 

Government Stock Bank fraud, 72,265 15 

Fraudulent awards of 1863 aad 1854, 53,794 03 

Fraudulent reissue cf Bonds, 2,269 40 

Uncurrent Funds 458 55 



$2,268,486 24 



We have oniy included in this statement such 
instances of democratic imbecility and corruption 
as are indisputably proven by public records. 
Neither have we added interest upon the amounts, 
but have only given the original loss. Had we 
included all obvious cases of fraud, and reckon- 
ed interest to the present time upon each origi- 
nal loss, the aggregate would have swollen to the 
enormous sum of over $5,000,000 00 I ! ! 

TAXATION FOR THE EXPENSES OF STATE GOVERN- 
MENT. 

The sham democracy have attempted to real- 
ize a little capital by misrepresentation of the fol- 
lowing extracts: 



14 



" The State is perfectly free from embarrasgment in her 
fioancial condition, and it is believed that by the practice 
of a proper system of economy, no resort to direct taxa- 
tion will be required to meet the ordinary expenses of the 
L^orernment." — Gov. Bingham's Inaug^o'al, 1355. 

" The larf;e surplus in the Treasury, with the inwrae 
from speciSc taxes and the sale of State lands, it is be- 
liered will be fouad sufficient to defray the ordinary ex 
p6nses of the government." — Auditor Jones' Report, 1S55. 

We append the following taV^le, in order that 
intelligent men may be able to judge how much 
of the State taxes that have been levied under 
Republican rule, have really been " required to 
meet the ordinary expenses of the government :" 
Appropriations Legislature, ] 855. 

For Asylums S100,000 00 

For House of Correction, 25,000 00 

Forenlargeraent of State Prison, 44,008 00 



Total, $169,000 00 

State Tax, 1865, $46,000 GO 

" 1856, 65,000 00 

105,000 00 



Excess of appropriation for above objects, $64,600 

Appropriations Legislature, las'?. 

For Asylum-s S126,000 

For House of Correc'ion, 33,773 

For Agricultural CoKege,... 40,000 

For enlargement of State Pri-.ou, 32,000 



00 



Total, $239,773 

State Tax, 1857, $S5,065 20 

" 1858, 86,066 20 

170,130 



Excess of appropriations for above objects, 60,643 36 

Appropriations Legislature, 1859. 

For Asylums, $182,500 00 

For House of Correction, 20,000 00 

For Agricultural College, 37,500 00 

For enlargement of Stat« Prison 27,000 00 

Relief of Gratiot County, 15,000 00 



Total, 5282,000 00 

State Tax, 1859, $202,663 00 

" 1860, 154,663 00 

$357,32* 00 



Recapitulation. 
Aggregate appropriations daring six years of Republican 

rule, for the above items alone, $681,773 76 

Aggregate State taxes during sis years of Re- 

publicanrule, 632,456 40 



Eseess of appropriation^, §49,317 36 



As will be seen, this statement includes only 
the largest items of appropriations. 

DEMOCRATIC CHARGES. 

Among the numerous false and ridiculous char- 
ges made against the Republican party, we find j 
the following : 

" The Republican p»rty, during five ye\rs of its rule, 
increased the liabilities of the State one million one hun- 
dred and forty-eight thousand, seven hundred and thirty- 
four dollars and ninety-one cents.'' — Lansing Journal 

As a matter of curiosity, we will show how so 
absurd a result is reached. 

In the first place, the amount of Republican 
reduction of the State debt is whittled down to a 
mere cypher. Then to this is added the amount 
■due the trust funds — principal and interest ; 
'the Saut canal loan of $100,000 00 ; the renew- 



al and temporary loans of 1858, which appear in 
the account of State indebtedness ; and also the 
balance due counties on account with the Audi- 
tor General. The only one of these items neces- 
sary to explain here is the last one mentioned. 
All lands in the different counties, on which the 
taxes remain unpaid, are returned to the office of 
the Auditor General ; and on such return, the 
amount of taxes due is credited to the several 
counties. When such taxes are paid, or the 
lands are sold, the counties are entitled to receive 
the amount credited to them, after deducting 
their apportioned amount of State tax, and not be- 
fore. To charge this amount due the counties as 
one of the "liabiUties of the State," is therefore 
supremely ridiculous. By such a queer system 
of double entry and false charges, the sham de- 
mocracy arrive at the astounding result we have 
quoted. 

The wonder is that they should stop at the 
sum they have specified ; for by such a liberal 
disregard of facts and sense, they might have 
made the amount almost any sum they chose. 

THAT FIFTY THOUSAND DOLLARS. 

One of the principal arguments which the dem- 
ocratic politicians employ in this campaign, is the 
charge that the Republicans have lost $50,000 
of the Saut canal loan. In order to place this 
matter in its proper light, and also to quiet the 
apprehensions of these sensitive individuals, we 
quote the following truthful statement of the De- 
troit Tribune, with regard to the securities ob- 
tained for this sum : 

" A fall repoit has been receive! fiom a competent 
person employed to make an abstract of the title to the 
lands included in the mortgage executed by Geo. M. 
Dewey and E. H. Hazleton to the State of Michigan, for 
the collateral security of the $50,000 of the Saut Ste 
Marie's Canal loan above ment-oned. 

" The mortgage covers 13,440 acres of land situated 
mainly in Genesee, Saginaw, Midland and Tu.scola coun- 
ties. 

" Over 6,000 acres of these lands were located in 1836, 
known as the " Brent Lands," and are among the most 
valuable timbered and unimproved lands in the county of 
Genesee. These lands alone are worth at a cash valnition 
more than the amount ol the mortgaEje, as is well known 
to the writer of this, from a personal knowledge for many 
years of the lands in question There can, therefore, no 
longer remain a doubt as to the ultimate security of the 
$50,000 due the State upon this loan. 

" It gives us pleasure 1o make this announcement, the 
more, because we have been aracng these who have here- 
tofore placed very little confidence in the value of the 
security in questioa 

DEMOCRATIC NON-PAYMENT OF INTEREST, 

The democracy are wont to boast of the large 
amount they kept on hand in the Treasury, and 
left to the Republican party ; notwithstanding 
the keeping of a large sum in the Treasury was 
regarded by Gov. Parsons as detrimental to the 
interests of the State. But had they performed 
their duty in the single matter of the payment of 
interest upon the State debt, which they left un- 
paid during only the last five years of their rule, 
the amount they would Bave left on hand in the 
Treasury, when they went out of power, would 
have been slightly reduced ; as the following ex- 
hibit shows : 



15 



IMTERESr l.S3rr USPAID BT democrats DURrSG THE LAST FIVE 
TEARS OF THEIR RUIJI. 

In 1850 they left unpaid, $96,500 00 

1861, " " 93,000 00 

1852, " " 92,600 00 

1853, " •' 94,800 00 

1854, " " 94,000 00 



Total, $470,900 00 

Oash en hand, Janiiary Ist, 1855 468,893 39 



yilUS \TEiAH MILLS. 

5.04;i8.55 0.33 

.3.53 1856 , . .0.47 

.3.86|1857, ...O.Cil 



Excess of Intere.st left unpaid in S yeai e, ^2,006 61 
Thus we see that, if they had performed this 
obvious duty of paying the interest upon the 
State debt, for only the last five years of their 
rule, there would have been $2,006 61 minus a 
red cent in the Treasury on the first day of Jan- 
uary, 1855. 

STATE TAXES. 

As the locofoco party raise a great cry about 
the burden of State taxes with which the Repub- 
lican party have borne down the people, we in- 
vite their attention to a comparison of the five 
years of Republican rule with an equal number 
of years of democratic i ule : 
Comparison of the rate of Tax upon the Dollar 

during Five Years of Democratic and Five 

Years of RcjnMican rule. 

Democr.Mic Ru e. j Repnblicaa Rule. 

YEAR 

1848, 

1849, 

1850, 

1851, .... 3.4211858, 0.61 

1S52, 3. 5511859, 1.47 

Let US illustrate: In 1S48, a man worth |1,000 
had to pay a State tax of $5 04, and in 1855 his 
tax was $0 33 ! ! In 1851, at the lowest rate of 
these five years of Democratic rule, his tax was 
|3 42, and in 1859, at the higliest rate of the five 
years of Republican rule, his tax was only $1 47 ! ! 
This must be plain to the most obtuse mind. 

Now let us take another view of the subject. 
The aggregate State valuation from the year 
1848 to the year 1852, inclusive, was $150,244,- 
781. The aggregate State tax for the same time 
■was $582,893. The aggregate State valuation 
from the year 1855 to the year 1S59, inclusive, 
was $671,014,510. The aggregate State tax for 
the same time was $477,793. Thus we see that 
during five years of Democratic rule, upon an 
aggregate property valuation of the State of 
$520,769,729 less, they assessed an aggregate 
State tax of $105,100 greater, than has been 
levied during five years of Republican rule ! Had 
the Republican party during the past five years, 
oppressed the people of Michigan with a State tax 
proportionate to that which they had to bear up- 
on the property valuation during the five previous 
years mentioned, they would have compelled 
them to pay the round sum of 

$2,603,216 2§: 

THE SAUT CANAL. 

The subject of the Saut canal, and the loan 
mtifH?'ffer WglUtfi'ieflt, ll'if^excited considerable at- 
tention. As this question has been pretty thor- 
oughly discussed, we only propose to call your 
attention to a single point made by democratic 



stump orators. It is this : They state that, if the 
loan of $100,000 had not been made, all the large 
amount of tolls, necessary to be collected for its 
payment, would have flowed into the Treasury of 
tho State, and would thus have furnished funds 
which must be drawn from the pockets of the 
people. In order to put down this falsehood, it 
is only necessary to quote the Act of Congress 
making the grant of land for the construction of 
the canal. The act says: 

"The Legislature of .'said State shall cause to be kept 
an accurate account * * * of all expenditures io the 
coastruction, repairs and cperatWi) of said Canal, and of 
the eirnings thereof ; ■■'■■■ ■■■ * and whenever said State 
shall be fully reimbursed for all advances made !or the 
construction, repairs and operatins: of said Canal, with 
legal interest r,n all advances, * * * the said State 
shall be allowed to tax for the use of said CsiTxa,\ , only such 
His as skall be .fogicieni tnpay all neceasary expenses for the 
care, cJuirgc aaid repairs of the same." 

THE YEAR 1853. 

This was an extraordinary year in the financial 
history of Michigan. That year the State tax 
was only $10,000 00 ! The democracy never tire 
of parading this fact before the people. No per- 
son, by reading democratic papers, would be in- 
formed 'hat any State tax was ever raised previ- 
ous to that time, as in all their statements on the 
subject they never go back of that $10,00;). In 
all theii estimates of the increase of State taxes 
they inraiiably commence with that $10,000 00! 

But Ipt us look at the facts eonnected with 
their fiBar cial management of the affairs of the 
Sta.te during that year, and see if they furnish 
anything of which the democracy can boast. 

The Constitution of the State, Art. XIV, Sec. 
1, saysl " The Legislature shall provide for an 
annualitax, sufBcient, with other resources, to 
pay theieetimated expenses of the State govern- 
ment, tl|e interest of the State debt, and such de- 
ficiency as may occur in the resources." 

We give below a statement of the current ex- 
penses of the year 1858, comprehended by this 
clause of the Constitution, and the resources ap- 
plicable to the payment of said expenses: 

TABLE, 

Showing the current expenses of the State for the 
year 1853, and the resources applicable to the 
payment thereof. 

CURRE-Vr EXPEXSIS 

Salaries of Public Ofiicers, $12.959 07 

Expenses &t liegLslatur'^. 1853, 21,148 23 

Slate Prisi'u 9,500 00 

" .Supreme Court, 15.254 20 

Interest on State iodebtednes.^, 173,050 44 



T.;tai, 



.S231 Oil 94 



RKSOuRCES 

Specific Taxes, $9(5,018 43 

U. d. 5 per cents, 10,328 17 

State Tax, 10,000 00 



Total, £ilG,.346 60 



RECAPITULATID.V 

Current expen.ses, $231,911 94 

Resources, 110.340 60 



Amount unprovided for, $115 565 34 



16 



Here then is a legacy of $115,565 34 left to 
the people of the State in direct violation of one 
of the plainest provisions of the Constitution — 
left, too, by the democratic party in that won- 
derful year of our Lord, 1858! 

AKOTHER I1EM0CRATIC VIOLATION OF THE COXSTI- 
TCTION. 

Among other provisions of the Democratic 
Constitution of 1850, is one (Art. XIV. Sec. 2,) 
which declares that " the Legislature shall pro- 
vide by law a sinking fund of at least twenty 
thousand dollars a year, to commence in 1852, 
with compound interest at the rate of six per 
cent, per annum, and an annual increase of at 
least five per cent., to be applied solely to the 
payment and extinguishment of the State debt." 

Yet this model Democratic party made no pro- 
vision whatever to comply with this requirement 
of a OoiiPtitution made exclusively by them- 
selves! It is to be regretted that the change of 
administration did not occur until this piovision 
had been rendered inoperative by Democratic 
neglect. 

We give the following estimite for ten years, 
from the Report of Auditor General John J. 
Adam, Dec. 1, 1850, of the amount of State 
Tax necessary to be levied to pay the interest 
upon the State Debt, and to provide for the 
liquidation of the prineipal as it should fall due : 

TOTAL ^t^X FOR rNTEKEST AXB PRI,\Cn'AI, OF HAW, DEBT 
TEAR. TAX YKAK TAX 

1852, $140 000 00 1867 $146,227 80 

1853, 141000 00 1858, 147,912 Sl6 

1854, 14-2,110 00 1859, 149,783 27 

1855, 143 342 10 1860, 161,869 4H 

1856, lii,709 73 1861, 54,163 97 

Mr. Adam's estimate for the payment of these 
two items goes on increasing Irom year to year, 
until 1875, when it reaches the sum of $231,- 
147 91 ! ! We commend these figures tc the con- 
sideration of those who have brawled so vocif- 
erously about " Taxes ! Taxes! ! Taxes ! ! ! " 
APPEAL. 

Fellow Citizens ! Our cause is before you ! 
Conscious of the rectitude of our principles, the 
correctness of our policy, and the ability, integ- 
rity and fitness of our candidates — State and Na- 
tional, we present them to you with the fullest 
confidence of your cordial and hearty support. 

We have dwelt at length upon matters of State 
finance, not because of their overshadowing im 
portance, but because we would stop the mouths 
of those who desire to draw your attention from 
the vital issues that press upon your considera- 
tion. 

Questions of greater importance than these 
meet each other face to face in this contest, and 
demand a solution at your hands. As the fath- 
ers stood, in the trying days of the Revolution, 
manfully up to their duties to their country, to 
humanity and to God ; so you are called upon to 
stand, amid the political revolution of to-day, and 
by an earnest yet peaceful struggle in behalf of 
the same principles for which they pledged their 
" lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor," 
prove that you are worthy sons of noble sires! 



The errors of the past, whatever they may have 
been, must rest with their authors ; but the fu- 
ture of this country is your own. It has as vet 
but just entered upon its career of greatness, and 
the woof of its destiny is almost unwoven. 

By preserving sacred to freedom the vast in- 
heritance that lies a mighty, unoccupied empire 
on our western border, you will lay the founda- 
tion of a greatness, prosperity and endurance 
that will exceed the hardihood of Rome, the 
glory of Greece, the serenity of Carthage ! 

The name of our Republic has become the ral- 
lying cry of Freedom in all lands, and no man 
who loves her fame, or cherishes her welfare, will 
deface those principles from her escutcheon 
which have given her prosperity, prestige, and 
immortal renown! 

Republicans ! The thickening evidences of 
the success of our principles should nerve your 
arms and strengthen your hearts for the closing 
struggle ! Already, in the midst of the contest, 
the green hills of Vermont send forth her thun 
ders of victory, that roll to the remotest verge 
of the Republic ! 

Scarce have the footsteps of this mighty peal 
passed acrops the heavens, ere the " rocking 
pines " of Maine, from all their deep recesses, 
give back the glorious aad swelling anthem of 
triumph ! 

Our enemies see the hand-writing on the wall, 
and like the imbecile king of old, their knees 
smite together ! They have scoffed at and defied 
the " higher law," and ignored and denied the 
" irrepressible conflict," yet the higher law, 
which works out the grand results of justice, has 
undermined the foundation of wrong upon which 
they have built; while the irrepressible conflict 
between truth and error, right and wrong, which 
they have so long derided, has penetrated to their 
very vitals and rent them in twain ! Verily, 
" whom the Gods would destroy they first make 
mad !" In all these events which are transpiring 
before our eyes, we see the wonder-workings of 
that overruling Hand that leado the nations by 
paths they have not trodden, and that brings joy- 
ous and beneficent results out of evils that have 
too long afflicted the world. 

Let not victory cause you to relax your 
efforts, nor the dissensions of your foes lull you 
to security, but let each incite you to more'vig- 
orous and determined action. It is only by eter- 
nal vigilance that Liberty can triumph, or her 
triumph be maintained. And if, in the coming 
contest, prejudice, treachery, or fraud, shall ac- 
complish our defeat, be not disheartened ! The 
Republican party will still live, for its principles 
are life-giving; and victory must sooner or later 
attend its onward march ; for 

•' Frtedom's battle oace b^gun, 
Bequeathed from bleeding sire to sod, 
Th .ugh baffled oft, is ever won ! '• 

JOHN DUNSBACK, 
Ex C'oiu. (/ Ingham County EepulHcan Central Com^ 

I. H BAiiTiiOLOMEW, Secretary. 
Lansing, September 13, 1860. 



I<incolu on the "Equallly" of the Races. 

Wepresentthefollowingextractfrom Mr. Lincolu's speech 
«t Charlestoo oq iho 18tU of September, as a euQicieut reply 
»o the silly twaddle of the Douglnsitbs about his favoring the 
Joctriue of negro equality : 

While I was at the hotel to-day an elderly geiitlpman called 
upon me tokuow whether I was really in favor of producing 
.. perfect eiiuality between the negroes aud white people. 
I Great laughter.] While I had not proposed to myself on 
ibis occasion to say much on that subject yet as the question 
was asked me. I thought I would occupy perhaps five min- 
utes in saying Bomethiug in regard to it. 1 will say then 
•'hat I am not, nor ever have been in favor .4 bringing abcut 
in any way the social and political ctiuality of the white and 
ilack races [applauscj— that I aro not nor ever hav.' been in 
favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying 
them to hold otlit-e, por to interiiiarrv with white people, and 
I will say in a ditiou to tliisthatth.^re is a phy.sicil difference 
between the white and black races which 1 believe will for 
tTcr forbid the two races living together on terms of social 
■»nu p.iliiical equality. Aud inasniucli a.s they cannot so 
;ive, while they do remain tH'ietleT, there niu->t bo the posi- 
ion Of superior and inferior I. a^ m'lcb as any other mun, 
•im in favor of having ' !'>sitiou Rssigi.ed tn the 

vhite race I say, upon ' ■•>) not ;k rceivetbat he- 

rknn> the white liian is ' ..(.eri .■• f>oilio>, liie Mtio.k 

>houId lie denied every thiuii. I ilo ^jot uiuf'-r.-iahd that be- 
cause ] do not want a negro woman tor a slave, 1 must ueces- 
Karily want hiT a wife. | Cheers and laughter] My under- 
tAudiug is that 1 can just K-t her alone. I am now in my 
<lftietli year, and 1 certainly never had a black worn >n for 
(.Mtlier a slave or a wife. So it seems to me quite pi.ssible for 
'18 to get along without making either shaves or wives of ne- 
:.;r<>es. I will add to this that 1 have iieverseeii, to my kijowl- 
.-dge, a man, wtanan or child who wa~ in favor L.f producing 
.i peil'ect equality, sociiil "ud political, between iiegroesand 
'.vhite men. 1 recollect of but one distinguished instance 
ihat I ever heard of so frequently as to be entirely satisfied 
i.f itscoircctness — and that is the case of Judge Ikingias'ohl 
triend, Itichard M. Juhn«on. I Laughter aud cheers ] 1 will 
;>.l80 add to the few remarks I have m.ide, (f r 1 am ni t g ling 
;o enter at large upon this subject.) that 1 have never bad the 
.eaetapprehcosion that 1 ormyfrioids would marry negroes 
if there wai no law to keep them from it. (laughler) but hb 
Judge Douglas and his fi lends seem to be in great apprehen- 
sion that they might if there were i,o law to keep them from 
!t,(roate .(ffiugliter) I give him tbemo.st solemn ileclj;e that 
J will, to the very last, stand by the law .f this state, which 
fji-bidsthe marrying of white people vvith negroes, (t'onlin- 
■.cd laughtei and applause.) I will add one further wurd, 
.hich is this, that 1 do not understand there is any phice 
.here an alteration of the social aud political rtlation.s of the 
j.egroanil the white man can be changed excep; in the State 
iiCgislKtiire — not in the Congress of the United s^tates— andas 
I d') not really apprehend th' approach of any such myself, 
ludasJuilge Douglas seew.* to be in constant horror that 
some such danger is rii|>idl> approaching. / f.riqms' ii.i Ve 
best meaii.1 to privcnl it, tint titr Ju'ljfn bi' hcpt at:lioiiir ami 
, hiceU in the. y-tal<' Ltgiai'iture. tiifiyht fit meuiKri;' ( Oproari- 
I- I lUgl.ter iiiul applause 1 * * * *' 

■'udj;e Douglas hai said to you that he has not been -able to 
• an answer to the <t>;t>Htion wh<t".er I am in favor of 
cgrociti/.eii'-bif.. ."^o a» far as I luu.w, the .ludse nev. rK.-Ued 
.i»e the-jiiestic!i' elbrc. (AjfplAttse.) lie shall have no occa- 
■■ion tu erer ask it again, for I tell him very frankly that 1 
itjn not in favo.- of negro citizenship. (lUinjwed applause.) 
This furnishes mc an occasion (or saying a few xvords upon 
fhepubject I mcnlioued in a certain speech of niino wliich 
haa been printed, that the Supreme Court I .ad decided that a 
negro conbl not possibly be made a citizen, and without say- 
iiiE what was my ground of coniplaint fu regard to that, or 
whether I had any ground of C'Vinplainf. JtKlge Douglas has 
from ihat thing mantifaclured nearly every thing that he 
evers-ays about my dispjosition to produce an equality I'e 
twecn the negroi s aiid white people. (Lsiughter and ap- 
plause) If anyone willrcad myspeech, ho will Jind I men- 
[inned that as one of the p >iiiis decided in the course of the 
?«preDie Court opicii tns but I did not state what objection I 
had to it. I'ut Jud^e Douglas lell.s the people what my oh- 
J«-ction was « hen I did not Fell them myself, (hnwd applause 
and laughter ) Now my opinion is that the different states 
have the power to make a negro a citizen under the (.'oiistitu- 
lipn of the United tst'ites if they choose. The Dred Scott 
ilecisu>n decides that ti.ey h"ve not the power. If ihe State 
of Illinois had the power I should be opposed to the t-xerci»c 
.">''it. (Cries ol '-good, good," aud applause.) 



The Douglas Democracy for "Nigger 
Equallly.'» 

Oneof the most prominent ttcwppf'pers in the supf ort of 
Mr. Douglas in the State is out in favor of "nigger equality ." 
In order that there may be no mistake we give the title of the 
paper, with date, and the candidates its £uppoits as fol- 
lows : 

THK DE KALB COUNTY SENTINEL 

Sycamore, Illinois, 
Monday, July 26th, 1858. 

Democratic State ?9omiuatioii8. 

Fnr Treoxurer Yl'. B. FOJSDEY. 
Fur Super intiiidcnt of PiMic Instruction A. V. FRENCB- 

In its Issue of July 20tli the Seftlinel is Jilled with election- 
eeriug editorials in favor of Judge Ilouglaa, in one of them 
declaring that — 

"The great mass of the Democracy are HEART .\SB ham) 
WITH J ukm; Dougl.as." 

In anoth r and leading editiTial article, «'iys th« 
S<:nliael r 

'•Our education has been such, that we have ever been 
I Mhur in fa ror of t/if iqiuilit)/ uftliP Waufr*; that is, TU \T THgl 

SHOUtn KN.IOy ALI. THE rKIVILEGeS OP inB WHITES WllKUE THKY 

Bf8t/)K. M'e are aware that this is not a very popular doc- 
trine. W«' havo h.id )uany a confab with some whe an- now 
sfronji Uepublicans, we taking the broad ground f '.iji.alify 
aud they the 07(/iwi7(://n<«nd.'' 

"Wo were brought up in aSt^Ue where I'lutk-i v. ■ lo voters, 
and we do not know of any inconvenience reoul \\ j from it, 
though perhaps it woul I not work ai w' II where > • blacks 
ari» more nu^-tjrous. We havi; no dou''', of the rigli! .>ttho 
whiti s to guard against such an evil, if i.-i one. tJui oi>ia 
ion is that it wr)uld behest for all con. i rmd to have li <> 
colored population in a State by thoniselve*.l-ut if within ii.o 
jurisdiction of the United .Stale.s WK.^AY BY .ALI, MEANS 
TIIKY .SIInULIt IIAVK TllK KICIIT TO IIAVK TilKli: 
.Si;N'ATt>I(tJ A.ND l;KFUi:isKi\TATlVK.\ IN CONOHI P.S', 
AXdTO Vi)TI:KOK l'l{Ki:ll>KNT. With us 'worth makes 
the man. and w mt of it the fellow.' We have seen many a 
'nigger' thai we thought more ofthan some white men." 



Douglas' View of Popular Sovereignly In the 
Drt-d Scott Decision, as Ueflectcd by his 
Chicago Organ. 

"Senator Douglas (we have the authority of his publis' ed 
speeches for the as^sertiou) accepts the Dred Scott Decision, 
lully, nndisguisedly and clieeifully. * * * The .Supreme 
Court decided, and we support the decision most heartily, 
that so far as federal laws operate, in the territories of the 
Uni'ed States, slave property is ou the same footing as any 
other class of property. AN D WE AOKKK, TOO. Tf I AT THH 
TKItKITiniAl. I.KIilJil.ATUni'J IS INCOMI'KTINT T-> 
>;NA0T LAWS EXCbUDl.NO SI.AVK I'ltOPl KTV ; but we 
deny that the federal government can compel the people of » 
territorv to enact extra encourazeni.nl'! ■ind guards to slavery 
againstUuii will THIS W>: t.Xi.;-.HS-TAND Tu V.V. Si N- 
ATOK DH-Ui.A.'s t'l'IM'tN'' [rhieae> Tim't,, Douglas' 
hvuiu- organ, of September '.>th, iJS.'ih. 



Henry Ciay on the Dectaratiuii of Indepeu- 
tleuce. 

It will be seen by the loUowing extract that Mr. Clay 
held the same position that is avoweiiby Mr Lincoln on the 
Declaration of Indepeudenoe: 

"And what is the founJaiion of this ap(eal to me in Indi- 
ana 111 lih-raie the slaves under my^are in Kentucky. It 
is Aijrivial deeliraiion in the aet atupouncing to the world 
the iiidepeudence of the tliit te'.n Aiilerican Colonies, tuat 
ALL MEji ARECKEATED EQUAL. Now, as an abstract piinciple, 

TIIERS IS »N0 DOt'UT OF TllK TRUTH Ol' THAT DtCLAEAIION ; Eud 

it is tifsirablf. in the original construction of society and 
in frganized societies to kkui- it i.v view as a great fd.vda- 
MtNTAL iBi.NCiPLE. 15ut, thyn, I apprehend that in no soci- 
ery that ever did exist in- ever sha 1 be formed, was or can 
the equality asserted among the niemberg of the human race 
b' ina^; i<ally enforced and carried out. There art portions 
of it, laige portions women, raiuors. in'-aue, culprits, tran- 
sient sojourners, that willalwa' s probably remain subject to 
the coverninent of auotlier portion of the community.— [2d 
Vol. Clay's Speeches, p. 5l>i, additioii of 1813. 



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